Latest news with #inequality
Yahoo
a day ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Silicon Valley 'pain index' shows growing gap between wealthy
SAN JOSE, Calif. - A new report from San Jose State University researchers is putting a spotlight on a big problem: the growing gap between Silicon Valley's wealthiest households - and everyone else. The report is called the "Silicon Valley Pain Index," because the goal is to measure poverty, inequality and the suffering this can cause. SJSU researchers used more than 200 data points and statistics to put together the report. One of the more startling figures is the fact that more than 70 percent of the wealth in Silicon Valley is concentrated in just nine households. Those nine households made $136 billion more last year alone than they did the year before. Compare that to at least 100,000 households in Santa Clara County with absolutely no assets at all. The authors of the report say the wealth gap in the region has grown, and this extreme income disparity leads to all kinds of problems, especially when it comes to food, education and housing. The report says the average person needs to make at least $125,000 a year to be able to afford San Jose's average $3,200-a-month rent. And that a lack of affordable housing has created a domino effect - with families leaving the area, leading to lower enrollment in schools, and school closures. It also means a shortage of workers for essential jobs. The report's authors say San Jose would have to build about 8,000 new homes every year to reach its long-term housing goals. The most the city has ever built in a year is about 1,700 homes. There are some positive changes the report highlighted - including a decline in police use-of-force incidents in San Jose last year; fewer carbon emissions and pollution; and expanded homeless services in the community last year. The authors of the study say they hope it leads to policy changes amd changes in behavior among the wealthiest individuals. Solve the daily Crossword
Zawya
5 days ago
- Politics
- Zawya
Parliament Statement on the Mandela Day
The Presiding Officers of Parliament, Speaker of the National Assembly Ms Thoko Didiza and Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces Ms Refilwe Mtshweni-Tsipane, call on all South Africans to honour the enduring legacy of our founding democratic President, Tata Nelson Mandela, by actively working to change the world around them—on Mandela Day and beyond. This year's Mandela Day theme, 'It's still in our hands to combat poverty and inequality,' serves as a powerful reminder that the struggle for justice, dignity, and equality continues—and that meaningful change requires collective action from institutions, communities, and individuals alike. Mandela Day encourages each of us to dedicate 67 minutes of service to others, symbolising the 67 years Madiba spent fighting for justice and freedom. But these 67 minutes are not just symbolic; they are an invitation to ignite a deeper, daily commitment to nation-building and solidarity. As the country marks 31 years of democracy and commemorates the 70th anniversary of the Freedom Charter, Parliament reaffirms its constitutional obligation to lead in the transformation of society. Through progressive legislation, effective oversight, and vibrant public participation, Parliament continues to strive for a South Africa that reflects the ideals for which Madiba lived and sacrificed. While Parliament carries the responsibility to enact change through its democratic mandate, every citizen also has a role to play. Parliament acknowledges that although significant strides have been made through laws and policies that have improved the lives of millions, the journey toward a more just and equitable society must continue with urgency and resolve. Parliament will remain unwavering in promoting accountability, transparency, and people-centred governance to realise the better life Madiba envisioned for all. To honour Mandela's legacy of compassion and service, the Presiding Officers of Parliament are leading outreach activities throughout this month and beyond in support vulnerable communities across the country. This morning, the Presiding Officers of Parliament, joined by National Assembly Deputy Speaker Dr Annelie Lotriet, NCOP Deputy Chairperson Mr. Les Govender and Secretary to Parliament Mr Xolile George will lead an outreach initiative by personally serving meals to homeless individuals at the Gama Parking Lot adjacent to Parliament from 10h00. Through this symbolic gesture, Parliament seeks to encourage all South Africans to embody the spirit of Ubuntu by engaging in daily acts of kindness and community upliftment. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Republic of South Africa: The Parliament.
Mail & Guardian
5 days ago
- General
- Mail & Guardian
How a geographic environment shapes a child's learning
Geography dictates not only resources but also exposure. (Delwyn Verasamy/M&G) Does a child's future depend on where they are born? In South Africa, the answer is 'yes.' We speak of education as the 'great equaliser', yet the truth is that a child's environment, whether they live in a village or a city, a suburb or an informal settlement, shapes how and what they learn before they even step into a classroom. In some communities, a child might arrive at a colourful preschool, where trained teachers guide them through puzzles, books and creative play, planting the seeds of critical thinking, numeracy and language development. They may play outdoors safely, observe insects, ask endless 'why' questions, and be met with patient, curious adults who guide exploration with stories and songs. In contrast, a child in a remote village may spend their day looking after younger siblings, fetching water or sitting in a classroom with no books, no toys and a single teacher managing four age groups at once. Their questions may go unanswered, their hunger may overshadow their curiosity, and their opportunities to learn through play may be scarce. Research shows that 90% of brain development happens before the age of five, yet the quality of stimulation children receive in these critical years depends largely on their environment. Access to clean water, safe spaces to play, nutritious food and parents or caregivers who have time to talk to them and tell stories are not just 'nice to haves'. They are the building blocks of literacy, problem-solving skills, emotional well-being and the foundations of lifelong learning. Geography dictates not only resources but also exposure. A child growing up in a community where adults read, where libraries are within walking distance and where children can safely explore nature, enter grade 1 with an advantage that cannot be captured by standardised tests alone. They arrive at school with a broader vocabulary, an ability to concentrate and a curiosity that drives them to learn. Conversely, for many children in under-resourced areas, the world remains small, their vocabulary limited and their curiosity dampened by the daily issue of survival. It is easy to blame schools when children cannot read for meaning by the age of 10, but we forget that learning starts long before that. Children learn by observing, listening, touching and interacting with the world around them. If a child's environment is one of deprivation, where caregivers are too burdened to talk or play with children, or where there are no safe spaces to explore, the learning gap starts early and deepens over time. In South Africa, only a fraction of children under the age of five attend early childhood development (ECD) programmes that meet the standards necessary for optimal development, with rural and informal settlements lagging furthest behind. Nutrition and health are deeply tied to geography. A child who is malnourished struggles to concentrate and is more susceptible to illness, leading to absenteeism from early learning opportunities. Access to healthcare services, including maternal health and immunisations, varies across geographic regions, further entrenching inequality. In areas where violence is common, children may experience toxic stress, which has been shown to disrupt brain architecture, leading to long-term difficulties in learning, emotional regulation and social skills. Safe, nurturing environments are essential to allow children to learn without fear, and geography often determines the level of safety a child experiences daily. Geography shapes not only physical environments but also cultural practices and community structures. In some rural communities, extended families and communal caregiving can provide rich opportunities for social learning and storytelling, while in others, poverty may force children into adult responsibilities, limiting time for play and learning. Urban environments, while often providing greater access to resources, can also be isolating for children, with limited safe outdoor spaces and parents working long hours, leaving children in the care of overstretched caregivers. The balance between resource availability and community support structures varies, and understanding these nuances is crucial in designing interventions that support early learning across different environments. Technology, community-based programmes and innovative mobile learning solutions are bridging some of these gaps. For example, mobile libraries, solar-powered digital learning stations and radio-based storytelling programmes have been used to bring early learning resources to under-resourced areas. Apps designed for early literacy and numeracy can provide children with access to engaging learning materials even in areas where schools are under-resourced. But these innovations cannot replace the need for safe, nurturing physical environments and the human interaction essential for young children's development. Technology should be seen as a tool to supplement, not replace, the need for community-based ECD centres, well-trained teachers and caregiver support. Despite progress, technology and innovation are not enough without the political will to prioritise early childhood development for every child, everywhere. Investment in ECD is not only a social imperative; it is an economic one. Studies show that for every rand invested in early childhood development, there is a significant return in terms of future productivity, reduced social welfare costs and improved societal outcomes. Imagine if every village had a safe, stimulating ECD centre. Imagine if parents in informal settlements had the support and tools to turn homes into learning spaces. Imagine if community health workers were equipped to support parents with practical strategies for early stimulation, nutrition and responsive caregiving. Imagine if geography did not decide a child's destiny. Addressing the geographic inequities that leave some children hungry, others neglected and many stuck in cycles of poverty without access to quality early learning requires a multi-faceted approach. This includes expanding access to quality ECD programmes, improving infrastructure in under-resourced areas, supporting parents and caregivers with practical tools for early learning, and integrating nutrition and health services into early childhood programmes. Theresa Michael is the chief executive of Afrika Tikkun Bambanani and leads a team that has implemented an early learning programme at more than 700 ECD centres in rural and under-resourced communities in South Africa.
The Guardian
7 days ago
- Politics
- The Guardian
Teenage pregnancy rates are a barometer of Britain's progress. The tale they now tell is not reassuring
It takes the passing of time to fully grasp the scale of the previous government's vandalism. Think where we would be now had the Tories not dismantled the social programmes they inherited from New Labour, with so many showing rapid progress. Those watching the statistics had a jolt last week when figures from the Office for National Statistics for 2022 seemed to show the second annual rise in teenage pregnancies in England and Wales, after a decade of falling rates. This may turn out to be the result of pandemic distortions in the previous year, when numbers dropped due to teens not meeting. The next figures may return to the previous trajectory, but that's still a sluggish rate of falling teenage conceptions and it throws into stark perspective how far Britain lags behind similar countries. The UK now has the 22nd-lowest teenage pregnancy rate out of the 27 EU countries and us. Many of these countries' rates are falling faster, while ours lags, largely due to our exceptionally high level of inequality. Had New Labour's remarkable programmes around social exclusion been doing their work through these wasted Tory years, we may no longer be such a social laggard of the western world. It's worth recounting what was lost. As soon as Labour came to power in 1997, it founded the social exclusion unit, with 18 taskforces pursuing the causes of deprivation. Truancy, bad housing, juvenile crime, debt, mental ill-health, addictions, rough sleeping, school expulsions, youth unemployment and teenage pregnancy each had a dedicated team seeking out social research. Their results were recorded each year in the index of multiple deprivation, an annual Domesday Book of the dispossessed. In 1997, halving teenage pregnancies was regarded as one of the hardest targets. That type of deeply complex social behaviour seemed beyond the reach of the state. To start with, Labour had to take on the bogus moralising among a particularly nasty cohort of Tories. The outgoing Conservative government had imposed the section 28 ban on schools discussing homosexuality and gave parents a legal right to remove children from sex education. In 1992, Peter Lilley, the minister for social security, sang a ditty about 'single mothers who get pregnant just to jump the housing queue', while John Redwood, the Welsh secretary, castigated single mothers in Cardiff the following year as 'one of the biggest social problems of our day' ('The assumption is that the illegitimate child is a passport to a council flat,' he said). Moral blame was an excuse to cut lone parent benefits, a last-minute pre-election trap that Lilley bequeathed to the New Labour government, forcing Labour MPs to carry it out, pledged to stick to Tory spending plans. What worked was tackling all causes at once, from child poverty to school absence, alcohol use, poor sex education, a lack of access to contraception, mixed messages about sex, dismal future prospects and the impact of spending a childhood in care. Alison Hadley, who led New Labour's teenage pregnancy taskforce, explains in her book Teenage Pregnancy and Young Parenthood why this matters: young mothers and their children tend to do badly, suffering from higher maternal depressionand higher infant mortality, with children left with a delayed verbal ability and a worse life outlook. What helped was raising the school leaving age, girls staying on until 18, going to college with an array of courses that raise aspirations and an education maintenance allowance paid to the poorest. Pastoral care at school improved, with school nurses dispensing the morning-after pill. So, too, did sex education. Alcohol use among young people fell. Youth services grew, with Connexions offering 13- to 19-year-olds everything from mental health support to careers advice. School absence rates fell as the curriculum became more flexible and fun, with a wider range of subjects and activities. Sexual health clinics for young people opened, with sessions suiting school hours. All of these were attacked by the moralisers as likely to cause an explosion of young sex. But instead, the opposite happened: the number of young people who said they had had sexual intercourse decreased substantially among boys and girls, and there were fewer conceptions. When a new government took power in 2010 and axed the programme, so many of these improving indicators went backwards. In the intervening years, teenage pregnancy rates had still been falling, though far more slowly than in comparable countries as so many key services have been lost. Brook's special sexual health clinics for the young have closed in places such as Wirral, Burnley, Southwark, Liverpool, Lambeth and Oldham. The Connexions youth service was abolished. Schools cut drama, sport, music, arts and technical subjects as Michael Gove's curriculum reforms sidelined anything but his five-subject Ebaccs. In England, attendance fell and school expulsions rose, as did the off-rolling of pupils who were likely to reduce a school's results, all reasons for Britain falling so far behind. The poorest places still have the highest rates of teenage pregnancy: there is still a seven-fold difference in rates between well-off and destitute areas. And those nasty attitudes still lurk on the Tory right among the likes of Danny Kruger, who has called for a return to 'normative' family values. The former Tory MP Miriam Cates was forever attacking sex education with grotesque parodies of what was taught. She asked Rishi Sunak at prime minister's questions if he knew about 'graphic lessons on oral sex, how to choke your partner safely and 72 genders – this is what passes for relationships and sex education in British schools', then demanded he launch an independent inquiry, which he duly did, a month before the last election. What did it take to address the problem? Everything. But the unit is a hopeful reminder that what was done before can be done again. Today, the education department issues bolder broader sex and relationships education guidance, a good sign, bringing schools closer to encouraging their students to think and talk about relationships, misogyny, pornography, bad influencers and internet threats. All of this has been recorded by Moira Wallace, a permanent secretary who became the head of the social exclusion unit from 1997 to 2002, who say she 'watches like a hawk, not an ostrich' the progress or often backsliding of those programmes. Her recent survey on school absence shows the number of students persistently missing is rising sharply, linked to multiple bad outcomes, especially teenage pregnancy. Not everything in her social exclusion unit hit its goal, but many areas did, with action on teenage pregnancy exceeding its target, and youth employment, rough sleeping and early years metrics among other notable successes. The unit's ambition propelled an optimism about what can be done. Lessons to be learned? Nail down improvements in the public mind, so no future government dares commit such social sabotage again. Polly Toynbee is a Guardian columnist
The Guardian
7 days ago
- Politics
- The Guardian
Teenage pregnancy rates are a barometer of Britain's progress. The tale they now tell is not reassuring
It takes the passing of time to fully grasp the scale of the previous government's vandalism. Think where we would be now had the Tories not dismantled the social programmes they inherited from New Labour, with so many showing rapid progress. Those watching the statistics had a jolt last week when figures from the Office for National Statistics for 2022 seemed to show the second annual rise in teenage pregnancies in England and Wales, after a decade of falling rates. This may turn out to be the result of pandemic distortions in the previous year, when numbers dropped due to teens not meeting. The next figures may return to the previous trajectory, but that's still a sluggish rate of falling teenage conceptions and it throws into stark perspective how far Britain lags behind similar countries. The UK now has the 22nd-lowest teenage pregnancy rate out of the 27 EU countries and us. Many of these countries' rates are falling faster, while ours lags, largely due to our exceptionally high level of inequality. Had New Labour's remarkable programmes around social exclusion been doing their work through these wasted Tory years, we may no longer be such a social laggard of the western world. It's worth recounting what was lost. As soon as Labour came to power in 1997, it founded the social exclusion unit, with 18 taskforces pursuing the causes of deprivation. Truancy, bad housing, juvenile crime, debt, mental ill-health, addictions, rough sleeping, school expulsions, youth unemployment and teenage pregnancy each had a dedicated team seeking out social research. Their results were recorded each year in the index of multiple deprivation, an annual Domesday Book of the dispossessed. In 1997, halving teenage pregnancies was regarded as one of the hardest targets. That type of deeply complex social behaviour seemed beyond the reach of the state. To start with, Labour had to take on the bogus moralising among a particularly nasty cohort of Tories. The outgoing Conservative government had imposed the section 28 ban on schools discussing homosexuality and gave parents a legal right to remove children from sex education. In 1992, Peter Lilley, the minister for social security, sang a ditty about 'single mothers who get pregnant just to jump the housing queue', while John Redwood, the Welsh secretary, castigated single mothers in Cardiff the following year as 'one of the biggest social problems of our day' ('The assumption is that the illegitimate child is a passport to a council flat,' he said). Moral blame was an excuse to cut lone parent benefits, a last-minute pre-election trap that Lilley bequeathed to the New Labour government, forcing Labour MPs to carry it out, pledged to stick to Tory spending plans. What worked was tackling all causes at once, from child poverty to school absence, alcohol use, poor sex education, a lack of access to contraception, mixed messages about sex, dismal future prospects and the impact of spending a childhood in care. Alison Hadley, who led New Labour's teenage pregnancy taskforce, explains in her book Teenage Pregnancy and Young Parenthood why this matters: young mothers and their children tend to do badly, suffering from higher maternal depressionand higher infant mortality, with children left with a delayed verbal ability and a worse life outlook. What helped was raising the school leaving age, girls staying on until 18, going to college with an array of courses that raise aspirations and an education maintenance allowance paid to the poorest. Pastoral care at school improved, with school nurses dispensing the morning-after pill. So, too, did sex education. Alcohol use among young people fell. Youth services grew, with Connexions offering 13- to 19-year-olds everything from mental health support to careers advice. School absence rates fell as the curriculum became more flexible and fun, with a wider range of subjects and activities. Sexual health clinics for young people opened, with sessions suiting school hours. All of these were attacked by the moralisers as likely to cause an explosion of young sex. But instead, the opposite happened: the number of young people who said they had had sexual intercourse decreased substantially among boys and girls, and there were fewer conceptions. When a new government took power in 2010 and axed the programme, so many of these improving indicators went backwards. In the intervening years, teenage pregnancy rates had still been falling, though far more slowly than in comparable countries as so many key services have been lost. Brook's special sexual health clinics for the young have closed in places such as Wirral, Burnley, Southwark, Liverpool, Lambeth and Oldham. The Connexions youth service was abolished. Schools cut drama, sport, music, arts and technical subjects as Michael Gove's curriculum reforms sidelined anything but his five-subject Ebaccs. In England, attendance fell and school expulsions rose, as did the off-rolling of pupils who were likely to reduce a school's results, all reasons for Britain falling so far behind. The poorest places still have the highest rates of teenage pregnancy: there is still a seven-fold difference in rates between well-off and destitute areas. And those nasty attitudes still lurk on the Tory right among the likes of Danny Kruger, who has called for a return to 'normative' family values. The former Tory MP Miriam Cates was forever attacking sex education with grotesque parodies of what was taught. She asked Rishi Sunak at prime minister's questions if he knew about 'graphic lessons on oral sex, how to choke your partner safely and 72 genders – this is what passes for relationships and sex education in British schools', then demanded he launch an independent inquiry, which he duly did, a month before the last election. What did it take to address the problem? Everything. But the unit is a hopeful reminder that what was done before can be done again. Today, the education department issues bolder broader sex and relationships education guidance, a good sign, bringing schools closer to encouraging their students to think and talk about relationships, misogyny, pornography, bad influencers and internet threats. All of this has been recorded by Moira Wallace, a permanent secretary who became the head of the social exclusion unit from 1997 to 2002, who say she 'watches like a hawk, not an ostrich' the progress or often backsliding of those programmes. Her recent survey on school absence shows the number of students persistently missing is rising sharply, linked to multiple bad outcomes, especially teenage pregnancy. Not everything in her social exclusion unit hit its goal, but many areas did, with action on teenage pregnancy exceeding its target, and youth employment, rough sleeping and early years metrics among other notable successes. The unit's ambition propelled an optimism about what can be done. Lessons to be learned? Nail down improvements in the public mind, so no future government dares commit such social sabotage again. Polly Toynbee is a Guardian columnist
