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Once the World's ‘Most Popular Politician,' Lula Is Losing His Way in Brazil
Once the World's ‘Most Popular Politician,' Lula Is Losing His Way in Brazil

Bloomberg

timea day ago

  • Business
  • Bloomberg

Once the World's ‘Most Popular Politician,' Lula Is Losing His Way in Brazil

A few weeks ago, a spirited Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva dove into the middle of the US-China trade war with a direct challenge to Donald Trump — from a stage in Beijing, no less. 'We don't fear retaliation,' the Brazilian leader said after inking more than 30 investment agreements with Xi Jinping that made it clear which side he was on. 'It's impossible for a country the size of Brazil to fear retaliation. Trump can do what he thinks is good for the US, and we'll do what we think we have to do for Brazil.' It was vintage Lula, rife with the defiance that has defined a career-long push to turn his nation into a major international player and laced with signals of the belief that he alone can make it one.

Singapore minister tells nations to ‘build bridges' with China to avoid misconception
Singapore minister tells nations to ‘build bridges' with China to avoid misconception

South China Morning Post

time01-06-2025

  • General
  • South China Morning Post

Singapore minister tells nations to ‘build bridges' with China to avoid misconception

Singapore 's defence minister on Sunday said it was 'incumbent' on other countries to reach out to China to avoid misinterpretation and misunderstanding as he urged Beijing to use every opportunity to make its perspective understood by the world. 'It is in the interest of all of us to work with China, and it is also in the interest of China to work with everyone else,' Chan Chun Sing told delegates at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore. 'It is in the interest of all of us to better, deeper understand China's fears, concerns and aspirations, just as it is important for China to understand how the rest of the world perceives China,' Chan said at the three-day premier Asian defence summit, which began on Friday. 'Regardless of whether China attends the Shangri-La Dialogue, it's incumbent upon all of us also to reach out to China in different forums to try to build those bridges so that we not end up in a situation whereby either side misinterpret or miscommunicate or misrepresent each other's positions.' In a departure from its practice since 2019, Beijing sent a lower-level delegation to the conclave attended by ministers, defence chiefs and academics from 47 countries. Chan, who is attending the event as defence minister for the first time after being sworn in on May 23, said on Saturday that the superpower's presence was missed at a ministerial round table and stressed the importance of dialogue with China to prevent misunderstanding intentions.

Princess Ingrid Alexandra swaps tiara for textbooks in move Down Under for university studies
Princess Ingrid Alexandra swaps tiara for textbooks in move Down Under for university studies

News.com.au

time01-06-2025

  • Lifestyle
  • News.com.au

Princess Ingrid Alexandra swaps tiara for textbooks in move Down Under for university studies

A future Queen is heading down under to pursue tertiary education at the prestigious University of Sydney. When Norwegian Princess Ingrid Alexandra begins her Bachelor of Arts degree in August, ahead of the university's Semester 2, she will call St Andrew's College home. The college, which is one of the university's exclusive student residences, is in Sydney's inner west. It has been home to the likes of former Shadow Treasurer Angus Taylor, Olympian Rohan Browning and Bondi Vet Dr Chris Brown. The college costs more than $20,000 a semester to board and features a gym, bar, food hall and yoga studio. News of the young royal living on campus was leaked to Daily Mail Australia when students received an email from Dr Daniel Tyler, the principal at St Andrew's College earlier this week. A press release from the Norwegian Palace was issued a short time later. 'She has chosen a three-year degree with a focus on international relations and political economy,' the palace said. 'Her Royal Highness looks forward to dedicating herself to her studies in the years to come.' Princess Alexandra is the daughter of Crown Prince Haakon and Crown Princess Mette-Marit, and the grandchild of King Harald V who has held the Norwegian throne since 1991. The 21-year-old is second in line to succeed him behind her father. Students at St Andrew's College received an email on Tuesday from Principal Dr Daniel Tyler announcing the royal's arrival, Daily Mail Australia reported. 'Princess Ingrid Alexandra of Norway is moving to Sydney to study an Arts degree at the University of Sydney,' the email read. 'I am pleased to let you know she will be joining 'Drews and living on site. I know she is looking forward to integrating into College and university life. 'There may be media interest and enquiries. Please join us in respecting her privacy. 'We will share reminders about security on the College site ahead of Semester 2.' The Princess is not the first international royal to travel to Australia to study. Danish Count Nikolai of Monpezat completed a semester of his business degree as part of an exchange program at the University of Technology Sydney in 2023 while pursuing his master's at Copenhagen Business School. It was revealed by The Daily Telegraph earlier this month that Count Nikolai now calls Sydney home, quietly settling in with his long-time girlfriend and model Benedikte Thoustrup. He now has a full time job, and may be one of the elite that Princess Alexandra spends time with during her trip. Other children of wealthy and well-known families who also frequent the Harbour City include Chloe Green, daughter of British retail billionaire Sir Philip Green, Christian Wilkins, son of TV presenter Richard Wilkins, as well as granddaughter of the late media mogul Kerry Packer, Francesca Packer Barham. Brooklyn Beckham, son of David and Victoria Beckham, and Sunday Rose Kidman Urban, daughter of Nicole Kidman and Keith Urban, are also known to occasionally visit. Sydney has been home to another royal in somewhat recent years. Queen Mary of Denmark was living in Sydney when she met Crown Prince Frederik of Denmark at the Slip Inn. The then advertising executive met the future King of Denmark while he was in Sydney to support the Danish sailing team at the 2000 Olympic Games. The two embarked upon a long-distance relationship over the next few months before Mary moved from Australia to Denmark in 2001. After four years of dating, the couple married in 2004. She became the Queen of Denmark upon the abdication of Queen Margrethe II last year.

Trump's foreign policy frustrations are piling up
Trump's foreign policy frustrations are piling up

Yahoo

time31-05-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Trump's foreign policy frustrations are piling up

Every president thinks they can change the world – and Donald Trump has an even greater sense of personal omnipotence than his recent predecessors. But it's not working out too well for the 47th president. Trump might intimidate tech titans to toe the line and use government power to try to bend institutions like Harvard University and judges, but some world leaders are harder to bully. He keeps being ignored and humiliated by Russian President Vladimir Putin who is defying the US effort to end the war in Ukraine. Russian media is now portraying Trump as the tough talker who always blinks and never imposes consequences. The president also thought that he could shape China to his will by facing down leader Xi Jinping in a trade war. But he misunderstood Chinese politics. The one thing an authoritarian in Beijing can never do is bow down to a US president. US officials say now they're frustrated that China hasn't followed through on commitments meant to deescalate the trade conflict. As with China, Trump backed down in his tariff war with the European Union. Then Financial Times commentator Robert Armstrong enraged the president by coining the term TACO trade — 'Trump Always Chickens Out.' Everyone thought that Trump would be on the same page as Benjamin Netanyahu. After all, in his first term he offered the Israeli prime minister pretty much everything he wanted. But now that he's trying to broker peace in the Middle East, Trump is finding that prolonging the Gaza conflict is existential for Netanyahu's political career, much like Ukraine for Putin. And Trump's ambition for an Iranian nuclear deal is frustrating Israeli plans to use a moment of strategic weakness for the Islamic Republic to try to take out its reactors militarily. Powerful leaders are pursuing their own versions of the national interest that exist in a parallel reality and on different historical and actual timelines to shorter, more transactional, aspirations of American presidents. Most aren't susceptible to personal appeals with no payback. And after Trump's attempts to humiliate Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa in the Oval Office, the lure of the White House is waning. Trump spent months on the campaign trail last year boasting that his 'very good relationship' with Putin or Xi would magically solve deep geopolitical and economic problems between global powers that might be unsolvable. He's far from the first US leader to suffer from such delusions. President George W. Bush famously looked into the Kremlin tyrant's eyes and 'got a sense of his soul.' President Barack Obama disdained Russia as a decaying regional power and once dismissed Putin as the 'bored kid in the back of the classroom.' That didn't work out so well when the bored kid annexed Crimea. More broadly, the 21st century presidents have all acted as though they're men of destiny. Bush came to office determined not to act as the global policeman. But the September 11 attacks in 2001 made him exactly that. He started wars in Afghanistan and Iraq — which the US won, then lost the peace. And his failed second term goal to democratize the Arab world never went anywhere. Obama tried to make amends for the global war on terror and travelled to Egypt to tell Muslims it was time for 'a new beginning.' His early presidency pulsated with a sense that his charisma and unique background would in itself be a global elixir. Joe Biden traveled the globe telling everyone that 'America is back' after ejecting Trump from the White House. But four years later, partly due to his own disastrous decision to run for a second term, America — or at least the internationalist post-World War II version – was gone again. And Trump was back. Trump's 'America First' populism relies on the premise that the US has been ripped off for decades, never mind that its alliances and shaping of global capitalism made it the most powerful nation in the planet's history. Now playing at being a strongman who everyone must obey, he is busily squandering this legacy and shattering US soft power — ie. the power to persuade — with his belligerence. The first four months of the Trump presidency, with its tariff threats, warnings of US territorial expansion in Canada and Greenland and evisceration of global humanitarian aid programs show that the rest of the world gets a say in what happens too. So far, leaders in China, Russia, Israel, Europe and Canada appear to have calculated that Trump is not as powerful as he thinks he is, that there's no price for defying him or that their own internal politics make resistance mandatory.

Analysis: Trump's foreign policy frustrations are piling up
Analysis: Trump's foreign policy frustrations are piling up

CNN

time31-05-2025

  • Business
  • CNN

Analysis: Trump's foreign policy frustrations are piling up

Every president thinks they can change the world – and Donald Trump has an even greater sense of personal omnipotence than his recent predecessors. But it's not working out too well for the 47th president. Trump might intimidate tech titans to toe the line and use government power to try to bend institutions like Harvard University and judges, but some world leaders are harder to bully. He keeps being ignored and humiliated by Russian President Vladimir Putin who is defying the US effort to end the war in Ukraine. Russian media is now portraying Trump as the tough talker who always blinks and never imposes consequences. The president also thought that he could shape China to his will by facing down leader Xi Jinping in a trade war. But he misunderstood Chinese politics. The one thing an authoritarian in Beijing can never do is bow down to a US president. US officials say now they're frustrated that China hasn't followed through on commitments meant to deescalate the trade conflict. As with China, Trump backed down in his tariff war with the European Union. Then Financial Times commentator Robert Armstrong enraged the president by coining the term TACO trade — 'Trump Always Chickens Out.' Everyone thought that Trump would be on the same page as Benjamin Netanyahu. After all, in his first term he offered the Israeli prime minister pretty much everything he wanted. But now that he's trying to broker peace in the Middle East, Trump is finding that prolonging the Gaza conflict is existential for Netanyahu's political career, much like Ukraine for Putin. And Trump's ambition for an Iranian nuclear deal is frustrating Israeli plans to use a moment of strategic weakness for the Islamic Republic to try to take out its reactors militarily. Powerful leaders are pursuing their own versions of the national interest that exist in a parallel reality and on different historical and actual timelines to shorter, more transactional, aspirations of American presidents. Most aren't susceptible to personal appeals with no payback. And after Trump's attempts to humiliate Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa in the Oval Office, the lure of the White House is waning. Trump spent months on the campaign trail last year boasting that his 'very good relationship' with Putin or Xi would magically solve deep geopolitical and economic problems between global powers that might be unsolvable. He's far from the first US leader to suffer from such delusions. President George W. Bush famously looked into the Kremlin tyrant's eyes and 'got a sense of his soul.' President Barack Obama disdained Russia as a decaying regional power and once dismissed Putin as the 'bored kid in the back of the classroom.' That didn't work out so well when the bored kid annexed Crimea. More broadly, the 21st century presidents have all acted as though they're men of destiny. Bush came to office determined not to act as the global policeman. But the September 11 attacks in 2001 made him exactly that. He started wars in Afghanistan and Iraq — which the US won, then lost the peace. And his failed second term goal to democratize the Arab world never went anywhere. Obama tried to make amends for the global war on terror and travelled to Egypt to tell Muslims it was time for 'a new beginning.' His early presidency pulsated with a sense that his charisma and unique background would in itself be a global elixir. Joe Biden traveled the globe telling everyone that 'America is back' after ejecting Trump from the White House. But four years later, partly due to his own disastrous decision to run for a second term, America — or at least the internationalist post-World War II version – was gone again. And Trump was back. Trump's 'America First' populism relies on the premise that the US has been ripped off for decades, never mind that its alliances and shaping of global capitalism made it the most powerful nation in the planet's history. Now playing at being a strongman who everyone must obey, he is busily squandering this legacy and shattering US soft power — ie. the power to persuade — with his belligerence. The first four months of the Trump presidency, with its tariff threats, warnings of US territorial expansion in Canada and Greenland and evisceration of global humanitarian aid programs show that the rest of the world gets a say in what happens too. So far, leaders in China, Russia, Israel, Europe and Canada appear to have calculated that Trump is not as powerful as he thinks he is, that there's no price for defying him or that their own internal politics make resistance mandatory.

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