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Pakistan denies nuclear threat claims, says India misrepresenting army chief's US remarks
Pakistan denies nuclear threat claims, says India misrepresenting army chief's US remarks

Arab News

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • Arab News

Pakistan denies nuclear threat claims, says India misrepresenting army chief's US remarks

ISLAMABAD: Pakistan's defense minister on Monday dismissed Indian accusations of 'sabre-rattling,' saying New Delhi's claims about alleged nuclear threats by the Pakistani army chief were baseless and reflected domestic political pressures on Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The comments followed a statement by India's Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) accusing Pakistan of 'sabre-rattling' and 'irresponsibility' after media reports claimed Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir had hinted at the possible use of nuclear weapons during a speech in Florida, framing it as a warning to New Delhi in light of recent military tensions. Indian officials argued that such comments, if accurate, amounted to 'nuclear sabre-rattling' — a term used to describe provocative or threatening language about deploying nuclear arms — and said it was particularly irresponsible to make them while abroad in a 'friendly third country.' Munir was said to have spoken at a black-tie dinner hosted by a Pakistani-origin businessman in Florida on Saturday, attended by more than 100 guests. An excerpt of his speech shared by Pakistani security officials did not contain any such remarks, while Pakistan's foreign office said the Indian MEA's statement was 'yet another demonstration of their chronic tendency to distorting facts and twisting statements out of context.' 'This is a totally baseless thing, [they] are trying to make an issue [out of Munir's remarks],' Defense Minister Khawaja Asif said in an interview to a private news channel. 'These things reflect one thing… internally, Modi has been devastated, with no reputation left.' Asif said Modi was under intense pressure following the outcome of a four-day military standoff between India and Pakistan in May, as well as an increase in US tariffs linked to New Delhi's purchase of Russian crude oil. India and Pakistan, both nuclear-armed neighbors with a history of wars and border clashes, fought their deadliest battle in decades in May after an attack in Indian-administered Kashmir killed 26 civilians. The skirmish quickly escalated into aerial combat. Pakistan claimed its air force used Chinese-built J-10C fighter jets to shoot down six Indian aircraft, including three French-made Rafales. Last week, Indian Air Chief A.P. Singh said his country had also downed six Pakistani jets, which Islamabad denies. In the interview on Monday, Asif warned that Modi's political troubles could prompt risky military moves: 'He could resort to something which is, which could, you know, amount to a war, amount to something desperate in this region.' In its statement, the Indian MEA described 'nuclear sabre-rattling' as Pakistan's 'stock-in-trade,' and said it was 'regrettable that the reported remarks have been made while in a friendly third country.' The version of Munir's speech released by Pakistani officials read: 'The (Indian) aggression has brought the region to the brink of a dangerously escalating war, where a bilateral conflict due to any miscalculation will be a grave mistake.' Pakistan's foreign office rejected India's allegations as 'a misleading and self-serving construct,' saying: 'Pakistan remains firmly opposed to the use or threat of use of force. India's sabre-rattling and war mongering, whenever confronted, invite unfounded allegations bereft of rationality.'

Israel's plan to occupy Gaza deepens rift between government and IDF
Israel's plan to occupy Gaza deepens rift between government and IDF

The Guardian

time2 days ago

  • Politics
  • The Guardian

Israel's plan to occupy Gaza deepens rift between government and IDF

Israel's decision to approve a plan to occupy the Gaza Strip has reportedly deepened tensions between the government and the country's military leadership, while also exposing fresh fractures within the army's senior ranks and straining relations with reservists summoned for what could become the most dangerous phase of the war. According to Israeli media reports, a bruising week of leaks and public recriminations has laid bare the rift between Israel's political leaders and its military high command. 'This is the most severe crisis in the history of relations between the political echelon and the military since the 1948 war,' said Prof Yagil Levy, the head of the Institute for the Study of Civil-Military Relations at the Open University of Israel. 'Never before has the political leadership compelled the military to execute an operation it adamantly opposed.' In the seven days leading up to the pivotal meeting of Israel's security cabinet at which the plan was approved, the chief of staff, Lt Gen Eyal Zamir, had repeatedly voiced his misgivings over the move to fully occupy the territory, warning that taking over Gaza would plunge Israel into a 'black hole' of prolonged insurgency, humanitarian responsibility and heightened risk to hostages. Zamir's dissent ignited a political storm, with the son of the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, accusing the army's chief of staff of mutiny. Israel's far-right national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, urged the chief of staff to 'clearly state he will fully comply with the political leadership's instructions, even if the decision is to occupy Gaza'. Some Israeli reports suggested Zamir could resign. Over the course of the war, Israel's military and intelligence leadership has already been shaken by a series of high-profile departures: Zamir's predecessor as chief of staff, Herzi Halevi, and the former head of the Shin Bet security service, Ronen Bar, were both manoeuvred into resigning. Senior commanders including Aharon Haliva, Yaron Finkelman, Oded Basyuk and Eliezer Toledano have also stepped down, alongside top figures in military intelligence and the Shin Bet. Since its founding in 1948, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has been more than a military organisation; it has been woven into the country's national identity, hailed as a near-sacred institution, the ultimate guarantor of the state's survival and a living symbol of the collective spirit that forged the nation. The Israeli public has long been united in its support of the army. A clash between the military leadership and the government, analysts warn, could have irreparable consequences for public support for the Israeli administration. A dispute between the army leadership and the government 'could intensify public protest, fuelled both by concern for the hostages and by the fact that, until now, the military had provided legitimacy for continuing the war,' said Levy. According to Yedioth Ahronoth, one of Israel's largest newspapers, the military's divisions run not only between the government and the IDF's senior command, but also within the army's own upper echelons. The discontent also appears to be spreading to the rank and file. An increasing number of Israeli soldiers are refusing to return to Gaza, shaken by the heavy toll of Palestinian civilian deaths during the military offensive. Last June, in a letter addressed to Netanyahu, the defence minister, Israel Katz, and the head of the military, a group of 41 officers and reservists said the government was waging an 'unnecessary, eternal war' in Gaza and announced they would no longer participate in combat operations in the territory. According to Israel's national broadcaster, Kan, only 60% of soldiers are showing up to reserve duty. The number includes the so-called 'grey refusals' – those who cite medical conditions, invoke family obligations, or quietly leave the country during the call-up period and 'forget' to check their emails. The IDF has been approached for comment.

Israel's plan to occupy Gaza deepens rift between government and IDF
Israel's plan to occupy Gaza deepens rift between government and IDF

The Guardian

time3 days ago

  • Politics
  • The Guardian

Israel's plan to occupy Gaza deepens rift between government and IDF

Israel's decision to approve a plan to occupy the Gaza Strip has reportedly deepened tensions between the government and the country's military leadership, while also exposing fresh fractures within the army's senior ranks and straining relations with reservists summoned for what could become the most dangerous phase of the war. According to Israeli media reports, a bruising week of leaks and public recriminations has laid bare the rift between Israel's political leaders and its military high command. 'This is the most severe crisis in the history of relations between the political echelon and the military since the 1948 war,' said Prof Yagil Levy, the head of the Institute for the Study of Civil-Military Relations at the Open University of Israel. 'Never before has the political leadership compelled the military to execute an operation it adamantly opposed.' In the seven days leading up to the pivotal meeting of Israel's security cabinet at which the plan was approved, the chief of staff, Lt Gen Eyal Zamir, had repeatedly voiced his misgivings over the move to fully occupy the territory, warning that taking over Gaza would plunge Israel into a 'black hole' of prolonged insurgency, humanitarian responsibility and heightened risk to hostages. Zamir's dissent ignited a political storm, with the son of the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, accusing the army's chief of staff of mutiny. Israel's far-right national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, urged the chief of staff to 'clearly state he will fully comply with the political leadership's instructions, even if the decision is to occupy Gaza'. Some Israeli reports suggested Zamir could resign. Over the course of the war, Israel's military and intelligence leadership has already been shaken by a series of high-profile departures: Zamir's predecessor as chief of staff, Herzi Halevi, and the former head of the Shin Bet security service, Ronen Bar, were both manoeuvred into resigning. Senior commanders including Aharon Haliva, Yaron Finkelman, Oded Basyuk and Eliezer Toledano have also stepped down, alongside top figures in military intelligence and the Shin Bet. Since its founding in 1948, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has been more than a military organisation; it has been woven into the country's national identity, hailed as a near-sacred institution, the ultimate guarantor of the state's survival and a living symbol of the collective spirit that forged the nation. The Israeli public has long been united in its support of the army. A clash between the military leadership and the government, analysts warn, could have irreparable consequences for public support for the Israeli administration. A dispute between the army leadership and the government 'could intensify public protest, fuelled both by concern for the hostages and by the fact that, until now, the military had provided legitimacy for continuing the war,' said Levy. According to Yedioth Ahronoth, one of Israel's largest newspapers, the military's divisions run not only between the government and the IDF's senior command, but also within the army's own upper echelons. The discontent also appears to be spreading to the rank and file. An increasing number of Israeli soldiers are refusing to return to Gaza, shaken by the heavy toll of Palestinian civilian deaths during the military offensive. Last June, in a letter addressed to Netanyahu, the defence minister, Israel Katz, and the head of the military, a group of 41 officers and reservists said the government was waging an 'unnecessary, eternal war' in Gaza and announced they would no longer participate in combat operations in the territory. According to Israel's national broadcaster, Kan, only 60% of soldiers are showing up to reserve duty. The number includes the so-called 'grey refusals' – those who cite medical conditions, invoke family obligations, or quietly leave the country during the call-up period and 'forget' to check their emails. The IDF has been approached for comment.

Thailand bans drones over Cambodia tensions, tourists warned of jail and fines
Thailand bans drones over Cambodia tensions, tourists warned of jail and fines

South China Morning Post

time04-08-2025

  • South China Morning Post

Thailand bans drones over Cambodia tensions, tourists warned of jail and fines

Thailand has imposed a nationwide ban on drone flights for at least two weeks over fears that neighbouring Cambodia could use them to monitor troop movements or military facilities, warning tourists of fines of over US$1,200 and even jail time if they flout the rule. Advertisement The order, issued by the Civil Aviation Authority of Thailand (CAAT), comes as tensions remain high despite a ceasefire agreement reached on July 28 that ended several days of fighting along a contested stretch of the Thai-Cambodian frontier. 'Operating any unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) across the country during this period is strictly prohibited,' the CAAT said in a statement released on Thursday. Offenders face up to one year in prison and a maximum fine of 40,000 baht (US$1,240), it said, adding that 'military and security forces are authorised to neutralise unauthorised drones deemed a threat'. 03:39 Thailand, Cambodia agree to 'unconditional' ceasefire after 5 days of fighting Thailand, Cambodia agree to 'unconditional' ceasefire after 5 days of fighting The ban – in place until at least August 14 – is expected to disrupt thousands of foreign visitors, particularly social media influencers and hobbyists who use drones to capture footage of the kingdom's beaches, temples and mountain landscapes. Advertisement Local media reports say some tourists have voiced frustration over having their drones confiscated, claiming they were unaware of the ban. While the majority of travellers are far from the eastern conflict zone – in destinations like Phuket, Chiang Mai or Pattaya – the ban applies nationwide.

Hun Sen takes command as Cambodia, Thailand clash at border despite stepping down
Hun Sen takes command as Cambodia, Thailand clash at border despite stepping down

Malay Mail

time31-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Malay Mail

Hun Sen takes command as Cambodia, Thailand clash at border despite stepping down

BANGKOK, July 31 — When weeks of tensions escalated into a major border conflict with Thailand last week, former Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen appeared to take charge of his country's response. Photographs showed him at the end of a long table, speaking with military officers and poring over detailed maps, radio set in hand and a cup of Starbucks coffee within arms reach. The former guerrilla fighter is no longer Cambodia's leader, having passed on the premiership to his eldest son in 2023 after nearly four decades in power, and has taken over as the president of the South-east Asian nation's Senate. But Hun Sen played an outsized role in events leading up to the deadliest fighting between Thailand and Cambodia in over a decade and — according to three diplomatic sources — showed his continuing influence during the five-day conflict. On Friday, after artillery fired from Cambodia landed in civilian areas in Thailand's border provinces, the Thai army took direct aim at him. 'Based on available evidence, it is believed that the Cambodian government, led by Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen, is behind these appalling attacks,' it said in a statement, using honorifics for the veteran politician. Within hours of the clashes breaking out, Hun Sen, 72, was sharing a flurry of posts on Facebook, his favoured social media platform, to rally his people and criticise Thailand. In one photograph he posted, Hun Sen is seen in a video conference call with a dozen people, including several soldiers. In another post, he shared a photo of himself in combat fatigues. 'On the border clashes, what strikes me is the extent to which he goes to create the optics of being in charge — wearing the uniform, being seen as directing the troop movements, intervening on Facebook,' a Cambodia-based diplomat told Reuters. Like all the other diplomats interviewed for this story, he asked not to be named because of the sensitivity of the issue. Lim Menghour, a Cambodia government official working on foreign policy, said Hun Sen acted as the main logistics commander for troops on the frontline. 'He has always monitored and kept observing the situation all the time,' he told Reuters. Leaked call and crisis In contrast to his father, Cambodia's incumbent premier Hun Manet, a four-star general and graduate of the West Point military academy in the United States, remained more muted on social media in the early days of the conflict, changing tack as he readied to travel to Malaysia for negotiations that yielded a ceasefire. Chhay Sophal, a Phnom Penh-based author of books on Hun Sen and his family, said the former premier can direct the government in his capacity as the president of the ruling Cambodian People's Party. 'So, the prime minister must respect and follow the party's policy and president,' he said. A Cambodia government spokesman did not respond to questions from Reuters. Thailand and Cambodia have bickered for decades over undemarcated sections of their 817KM land border, which has also led to fighting in the past. The recent tensions began rising in May, following the killing of a Cambodian soldier during a skirmish, and have steadily escalated since — a situation that Thai premier Paetongtarn Shinawatra sought to diffuse when she spoke directly with Hun Sen on June 15. A partial recording of the call was initially leaked, where Paetongtarn, 38, can be heard criticising a Thai general and kowtowing to Hun Sen, who later released the full audio of their conversation, triggering a political crisis in Thailand. In a rambling three-hour televised speech in late June, Hun Sen openly rebuked Paetongtarn for her handling of the border row and attacked her father, former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, long seen as his ally. 'At least before the flare-up, he was very much right there in your face,' said a regional diplomat who closely tracks Cambodia. 'I mean, he was the one who was mostly visible, who was making all the pronouncements.' Rice fields to power Hun Sen is a wily survivor of Cambodian politics and the wider tumult across Southeast Asia over the last half-a-century. Born to rice farmers in a province heavily bombed during the secret US war in Cambodia and Laos, he became a soldier for the Khmer Rouge, whose murderous regime from 1975 to 1979 killed about a quarter of the population. But he defected to Vietnam in 1977 and, when they overthrew the Khmer Rouge, Hun Sen returned as foreign minister and then rose to become prime minister. The self-styled strongman presided over an economic boom in Cambodia, with per capita income almost quadrupling from us$240 to us$1,000 in the decade from 1993 to 2013. But much of the new-found wealth came to be concentrated in the hands of the country's ruling elite, even as political rivals were jailed or exiled, critical media outlets shuttered and civil dissent crushed, paving the way for Hun Manet to take over. In recent months, even domestic administrative policy decisions were being brought to Hun Sen for approval, according to the regional diplomat who interacts with Cambodian officials. Now, the border conflict has made his clout more apparent, and there has been an outpouring of support for the government on social media amid a wave of nationalism. 'It hasn't surprised anyone that he's taken the lead which tells you everyone knew he was in charge,' another Cambodia-based diplomat said. 'If the goal is to strengthen nationalism, he has succeeded.' — Reuters

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