Latest news with #militarytransformation
The Guardian
7 days ago
- Politics
- The Guardian
North Korea's military is being transformed on the battlefields of Ukraine – so why is Seoul silent?
When North Korea fired multiple ballistic missiles from its eastern coast in May, South Korea's response was swift. Within hours, Seoul joined Washington and Tokyo in condemning the launch as a 'serious threat' to regional peace and security. But just weeks earlier, when a North Korean KN-23 missile – designed to strike South Korean targets – hit a residential building in Kyiv, killing 12 civilians, Seoul said nothing. That silence fits a broader pattern. There was no response when Russia reportedly deployed a surface-to-air missile system to protect Pyongyang, nor when Ukrainian intelligence revealed that Russian instructors were training North Korean drone pilots on home soil, even as Kim Jong-un voiced 'unconditional support' for Moscow's war. Relations between the North and South, technically still at war, remain tense and the muted response has raised questions from analysts over whether Seoul fully grasps the consequences of what many see as North Korea's most significant military transformation in decades – one shaped in real warfare, on the battlefields of Ukraine. 'We definitely should be alarmed,' says Chun In-bum, a former South Korean special forces commander. 'But it's just the nature of people to avoid catastrophe or be indifferent to the terrors of reality.' According to Ukraine's military intelligence agency, North Korea supplies 40% of all munitions used by Russia in its war against Kyiv. It has dramatically increased arms production at home, with Moscow paying Pyongyang directly. In autumn last year, Pyongyang dispatched an estimated 12,000 troops to fight in Russia's Kursk region. That deployment has since expanded significantly. An additional 6,000 soldiers are now joined by 1,000 military engineers, hundreds of railway engineers, bridge-building specialists, logistics personnel, electricians, military police, and even interpreters, focused largely on rebuilding the battle-scarred Kursk region, according to Ukrainian officials. This military partnership with Moscow has been invaluable for Kim Jong-un's regime, Maj Gen Vadym Skibitskyi, deputy head of Ukraine's military intelligence agency, the HUR, told the Guardian. 'North Korea's armed forces got new ammunition [from Russia]. Its soldiers gained experience of modern conflict. No other army in the region – Japan, South Korea and other countries – [has] participated in a modern war between two huge regular armies.' The ideological commitment of their forces became clear when Ukraine captured two wounded North Korean prisoners in January. 'We were shocked by them. They were bio-robots. They tried to kill themselves by biting their own veins,' Skibitskyi says. When one was asked if he wanted to return home, he replied: 'Yes, because I will be treated like a hero. I fought in a modern war.' North Korean troops are learning about combined arms warfare and the operation of strike and reconnaissance drones, electronic warfare systems, and other technologies previously unfamiliar to them. Moscow has transferred advanced weaponry and has helped upgrade the accuracy of North Korea's KN-23 ballistic missiles, which have since targeted Ukrainian urban centres, including Kharkiv. In June, the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, issued a pointed warning identifying South Korea directly: 'This must be addressed now, not when thousands of upgraded Shahed drones and ballistic missiles begin to threaten Seoul and Tokyo.' However, a mix of strategic, economic and political factors are discouraging more visible action from South Korea, says Dr Yang Uk, a defence expert at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in Seoul. Acknowledging North Korea's military experience as a direct threat to Seoul would create pressure for a more robust domestic response, including potential weapons transfers to Ukraine that remain deeply unpopular in South Korea. 'Defence officials are particularly wary after December's events,' Yang said, referring to the failed declaration of martial law by South Korean's then president, Yoon Suk Yeol. 'They're really afraid of political attack and prefer to stay unseen by the public and press.' Yang warns that Russia is working to integrate North Korea into its long-term defence supply chain – a partnership that could reshape Asia's military balance long after the war ends. Some analysts see Seoul's silence as an extension of its longstanding 'strategic ambiguity': a reluctance to engage in foreign conflicts or unnecessarily alienate key powers, particularly those that might retain influence over Pyongyang. Economic factors weigh heavily too. Prewar, Russia was one of South Korea's top trading partners. Amid Donald Trump's tariff threats, the new Lee Jae Myung government's focus on economic recovery and 'pragmatic diplomacy' leaves little appetite for confrontation. Domestic politics also play a role. Lee's Democratic party supports engagement with the North, reflecting how South Korea's left-right divide centres more on North Korea policy than on western progressive values. Voices on the left argue South Korea owes Ukraine nothing. Some of Seoul's inertia may be bureaucratic. Chun points to procurement and planning processes that can take years, even as threats evolve within months. 'We are dealing with a level 10 super Godzilla,' he said. 'But the bureaucracy only sees a tiger.' North Koreans are already employing what they have learned in battle, he warns. 'This should be a real wake-up call.' Skibitskyi echoes that concern, suggesting South Korea's military doctrine is outdated and modelled on a pre-drone era. When asked by the Guardian whether it viewed North Korea's deployments and combat experience in Ukraine as a security concern, South Korea's defence ministry avoided addressing the implications directly. 'The participation of North Korean military personnel in the war in Ukraine constitutes a flagrant violation of the UN charter and relevant UN security council resolutions,' a spokesperson said. 'The Republic of Korea strongly condemns such inhumane and unlawful acts in concert with the international community.' Whether Seoul's cautious approach reflects calculated long-term strategy or institutional paralysis remains unclear. But for Chun, the warning signs are impossible to ignore. 'This is like a speeding train coming towards you,' he said. 'You better move aside or start making preparations – while you still have time.'
The Guardian
7 days ago
- Politics
- The Guardian
North Korea's military is being transformed on the battlefields of Ukraine – so why is Seoul silent?
When North Korea fired multiple ballistic missiles from its eastern coast in May, South Korea's response was swift. Within hours, Seoul joined Washington and Tokyo in condemning the launch as a 'serious threat' to regional peace and security. But just weeks earlier, when a North Korean KN-23 missile – designed to strike South Korean targets – hit a residential building in Kyiv, killing 12 civilians, Seoul said nothing. That silence fits a broader pattern. There was no response when Russia reportedly deployed a surface-to-air missile system to protect Pyongyang, nor when Ukrainian intelligence revealed that Russian instructors were training North Korean drone pilots on home soil, even as Kim Jong-un voiced 'unconditional support' for Moscow's war. Relations between the North and South, technically still at war, remain tense and the muted response has raised questions from analysts over whether Seoul fully grasps the consequences of what many see as North Korea's most significant military transformation in decades – one shaped in real warfare, on the battlefields of Ukraine. 'We definitely should be alarmed,' says Chun In-bum, a former South Korean special forces commander. 'But it's just the nature of people to avoid catastrophe or be indifferent to the terrors of reality.' According to Ukraine's military intelligence agency, North Korea supplies 40% of all munitions used by Russia in its war against Kyiv. It has dramatically increased arms production at home, with Moscow paying Pyongyang directly. In autumn last year, Pyongyang dispatched an estimated 12,000 troops to fight in Russia's Kursk region. That deployment has since expanded significantly. An additional 6,000 soldiers are now joined by 1,000 military engineers, hundreds of railway engineers, bridge-building specialists, logistics personnel, electricians, military police, and even interpreters, focused largely on rebuilding the battle-scarred Kursk region, according to Ukrainian officials. This military partnership with Moscow has been invaluable for Kim Jong-un's regime, Maj Gen Vadym Skibitskyi, deputy head of Ukraine's military intelligence agency, the HUR, told the Guardian. 'North Korea's armed forces got new ammunition [from Russia]. Its soldiers gained experience of modern conflict. No other army in the region – Japan, South Korea and other countries – [has] participated in a modern war between two huge regular armies.' The ideological commitment of their forces became clear when Ukraine captured two wounded North Korean prisoners in January. 'We were shocked by them. They were bio-robots. They tried to kill themselves by biting their own veins,' Skibitskyi says. When one was asked if he wanted to return home, he replied: 'Yes, because I will be treated like a hero. I fought in a modern war.' North Korean troops are learning about combined arms warfare and the operation of strike and reconnaissance drones, electronic warfare systems, and other technologies previously unfamiliar to them. Moscow has transferred advanced weaponry and has helped upgrade the accuracy of North Korea's KN-23 ballistic missiles, which have since targeted Ukrainian urban centres, including Kharkiv. In June, the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, issued a pointed warning identifying South Korea directly: 'This must be addressed now, not when thousands of upgraded Shahed drones and ballistic missiles begin to threaten Seoul and Tokyo.' However, a mix of strategic, economic and political factors are discouraging more visible action from South Korea, says Dr Yang Uk, a defence expert at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in Seoul. Acknowledging North Korea's military experience as a direct threat to Seoul would create pressure for a more robust domestic response, including potential weapons transfers to Ukraine that remain deeply unpopular in South Korea. 'Defence officials are particularly wary after December's events,' Yang said, referring to the failed declaration of martial law by South Korean's then president, Yoon Suk Yeol. 'They're really afraid of political attack and prefer to stay unseen by the public and press.' Yang warns that Russia is working to integrate North Korea into its long-term defence supply chain – a partnership that could reshape Asia's military balance long after the war ends. Some analysts see Seoul's silence as an extension of its longstanding 'strategic ambiguity': a reluctance to engage in foreign conflicts or unnecessarily alienate key powers, particularly those that might retain influence over Pyongyang. Economic factors weigh heavily too. Prewar, Russia was one of South Korea's top trading partners. Amid Donald Trump's tariff threats, the new Lee Jae Myung government's focus on economic recovery and 'pragmatic diplomacy' leaves little appetite for confrontation. Domestic politics also play a role. Lee's Democratic party supports engagement with the North, reflecting how South Korea's left-right divide centres more on North Korea policy than on western progressive values. Voices on the left argue South Korea owes Ukraine nothing. Some of Seoul's inertia may be bureaucratic. Chun points to procurement and planning processes that can take years, even as threats evolve within months. 'We are dealing with a level 10 super Godzilla,' he said. 'But the bureaucracy only sees a tiger.' North Koreans are already employing what they have learned in battle, he warns. 'This should be a real wake-up call.' Skibitskyi echoes that concern, suggesting South Korea's military doctrine is outdated and modelled on a pre-drone era. When asked by the Guardian whether it viewed North Korea's deployments and combat experience in Ukraine as a security concern, South Korea's defence ministry avoided addressing the implications directly. 'The participation of North Korean military personnel in the war in Ukraine constitutes a flagrant violation of the UN charter and relevant UN security council resolutions,' a spokesperson said. 'The Republic of Korea strongly condemns such inhumane and unlawful acts in concert with the international community.' Whether Seoul's cautious approach reflects calculated long-term strategy or institutional paralysis remains unclear. But for Chun, the warning signs are impossible to ignore. 'This is like a speeding train coming towards you,' he said. 'You better move aside or start making preparations – while you still have time.'
Times of Oman
15-05-2025
- Business
- Times of Oman
Akashteer: Transforming India's air defence with cutting-edge technology
New Delhi: In a remarkable stride towards modernising India's defence capabilities, the Indian Army has achieved a major milestone through the development and phased induction of Project Akashteer. This ambitious initiative, a key part of the Army's "Decade of Transformation" and "Year of Tech Absorption," aims to provide India with a robust and responsive air defence network, meeting the demands of contemporary aerial threats with agility and precision. Recently, a real-time validation of Project Akashteer was carried out simulating scenarios as expected in future wars. A senior officer from the military hierarchy witnessed the validation appreciated the achievements of the project and commended the team involved in developing the Akashteer. He acknowledged their efforts and mentioned that it has realised a transformative leap in the Indian Army's air defence capabilities. Project Akashteer introduces a fully automated and integrated air defence system, offering unparalleled responsiveness and reliability. Here's a closer look at the groundbreaking features of this transformative initiative: Comprehensive Sensor Fusion: Akashteer has achieved a "bottoms-up" fusion of all air defence sensors, integrating land-based sensors from both the Army Air Defence (AAD) and the Indian Air Force (IAF). This ensures a seamless and unified air picture that is accessible to the lowest operational units of Army AD, enhancing coordination and situational awareness across the force. Automated Operations for Faster Response: In air defence, every second is critical. Akashteer's automation replaces manual data entry, which previously consumed precious time. With no human input required, the system operates at maximum efficiency, allowing timely responses to fast-moving aerial threats. To illustrate, an aircraft at supersonic speeds can travel up to 18 kilometres in a single minute--Akashteer ensures that not a moment is lost in defence readiness. Decentralised Engagement Authority: By decentralising the authority to engage hostile aircraft, Akashteer empowers units on the front lines, enabling rapid engagement decisions while maintaining controlled freedom to prevent friendly-fire incidents. This decentralisation is particularly critical for units stationed along the Northern and Eastern Commands, which are already equipped with Akashteer systems. Advanced Real-Time Air Picture: Akashteer consolidates live data from various sources, including 3D Tactical Radars, Low-Level Lightweight Radars, and the Akash Weapon System, providing a multi-dimensional view of the airspace. This integrated picture is invaluable for both strategic planning and immediate threat response, giving Indian forces an edge in defending India's skies. Built-in Redundancy and Scalability: The system is designed with robust communication redundancy, ensuring connectivity even under adverse conditions. Additionally, Akashteer offers both software and hardware upgrade capabilities, making it a future-proof platform able to adapt to evolving technological and operational needs. Flexible Deployment Across Formations: Recognising the varied operational needs, Akashteer has been tailored to provide mobile, adaptable platforms for strike formations, while pivot formations have been equipped with hardened, land-based systems. This flexibility enables the system to effectively support a range of tactical scenarios, reinforcing India's defence on multiple fronts. Akashteer's phased induction is already underway. Out of a total requirement of 455 systems, 107 have been delivered, with an additional 105 expected by March 2025. The remaining units will be delivered by March 2027, ensuring comprehensive coverage across the Indian Army's defence units and formations. Through Project Akashteer, the Indian Army is positioning itself at the forefront of air defence technology, ensuring a secure and vigilant airspace over India. This significant achievement underscores the commitment of India's defence forces to innovate and enhance capabilities in response to ever-evolving security dynamics.
