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The Hindu
2 hours ago
- General
- The Hindu
A life of defiance: the celebrated Kenyan author's views were not without controversy but he inspired generations of African writers
In 1962, a group of young men and women met at Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda, at the Conference of African Writers of English Expression. Decolonisation was in the air. Nigeria — represented by Chinua Achebe and Wole Soyinka — had gained independence two years earlier. Uganda — the host country — would become independent just a few months later. And Kenya — represented, among others, by Rebecca Njau and one James Ngugi — was one year away from its own transfer of power. The debates at Makerere included, among other things, the question of what constituted African literature, and whether literature in non-African languages (including English) could ever be truly African. The controversy exerted a formative influence over the youthful James Ngugi, who'd used the occasion of the conference to hand over to Achebe manuscripts of his first two novels, Weep Not, Child and The River Between. The novels were published in 1964 and 1965, respectively, but James Ngugi would keep neither his name, nor the language in which he wrote. By 1970, convinced that the English language was a tool of colonisation, and that real decolonisation was impossible without decolonising the mind (including the language), James Ngugi had changed his name to Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o. Henceforth, Ngũgĩ would write in the language of his birth, Gikuyu. Ngũgĩ, who passed away on May 28 at the age of 87, has left behind a rich, varied, and sometimes complex legacy. Taught at the jewel of Kenya Colony's educational system, the Alliance High School, Ngũgĩ was trained to become either a member of the colonial elite, or of the neo-colonial comprador bourgeoisie that would take over Kenya after the transfer of power. Neither of these two things happened. Ngũgĩ was jerked out of his comfortable boarding school education when, at the height of the Mau Mau war for independence, his village was depopulated by the British as a form of collective punishment, his brother sent to a concentration camp, and Ngũgĩ himself briefly imprisoned before a fortuitous set of circumstances saw him freed. In his memoir, In the House of the Interpreter (2012), Ngũgĩ would paint a memorable — and at times, tragic — portrait of the English-speaking Kenyan intellectual elite, caught between two worlds, as the struggle for freedom intensified. Argument against English In the initial years after independence, this internal struggle continued, as Ngũgĩ achieved prominence as an African writer, writing in English, about distinctively African themes. The River Between, for example, examined the impact of colonialism on so-called 'traditional' practices, and the social havoc that that wreaks — in the mould of Achebe's Things Fall Apart(1958). However, after 1970, when Ngũgĩ resolved this struggle in his own mind, he faced a different — external — struggle. Writing in his native language, and with his explicitly left-wing and anti-colonial attitude, he soon drew the attention of President Jomo Kenyatta and his authoritarian regime. When Ngũgĩ staged a play called I Will Marry When I Want in 1977, he was arrested and imprisoned. In prison — in an act that has since become a part of legend — Ngũgĩ wrote his next novel, Devil on the Cross, in Gikuyu, and on toilet paper. Upon his release, Ngũgĩ went into exile, eventually settling into a teaching career in the United States. It was there that he developed his philosophy in greater detail, through books such as Decolonising the Mind (1986). Building upon arguments that had first been made in Makerere more than two-and-a-half decades ago, Decolonising the Mind made the case for abandoning English in order to achieve true decolonisation. Three decades later, in Secure the Base (2016), Ngũgĩ would develop this argument further, noting that 'each language, no matter how small, carries its memory of the world'. Suppressing language, thus, meant suppressing memory. However, in this, Ngũgĩ's views were not without controversy. His Kenyan compatriot, Binyavanga Wainaina, made gentle fun of Ngũgĩ puritanism in his own memoir, One Day I Will Write About This Place (2011). The Zimbabwean writer, Dambudzo Marechera, whose own decision to write was inspired by Ngũgĩ, clashed bitterly with him over the question of writing in English. Ngũgĩ's views about decolonisation were powerful — but they were never uncontested. Troubled legacy Ngũgĩ's suffering at the hands of both the colonial and the post-colonial Kenyan regimes came together in what many people (including this writer) believe to be his masterpiece, Wizard of the Crow (2006). Set in an unnamed African country, the novel takes an unsparing, sarcastic, and darkly humorous scalpel to the cruelties, banalities, and venalities of the 'Independence' government, which masks its own failures and justifies its repression by blaming both colonialism and neo-colonialism — even as that same government is economically and militarily propped up by Western powers as a front against communism. To read Wizard of the Crow is to rage, to laugh, and to weep, all at the same time — a testament not just to Ngũgĩ's mastery as a writer, but to the life he lived and which informed his work, a life of defiance. In the twilight of his life, Ngũgĩ's legacy was marred by allegations of domestic abuse. In a context in which towering literary figures are often treated as moral authorities — and Ngũgĩ certainly was — an obituary would be incomplete without acknowledging this, and noting the culture of silence that surrounds debates on literary legacy. For an honest assessment, we must hold these contradictions in balance, even as we celebrate the rich corpus of work that Ngũgĩ has left to us. The writer and reviewer is an author, most recently of 'The Sentence'.
Arabian Post
6 days ago
- Business
- Arabian Post
AfDB Annual Summit Opens in Abidjan Amid Leadership Transition and Capital Mobilisation Drive
Over 6,000 delegates from 81 countries convened in Abidjan on Monday as the African Development Bank commenced its 2025 Annual Meetings, focusing on strategies to harness Africa's capital for sustainable development. The five-day event, held at the Sofitel Abidjan Hotel Ivoire, is set to culminate in the election of a new president to succeed Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, whose decade-long tenure concludes in September. The summit's theme, 'Making Africa's Capital Work Better for Africa's Development,' underscores the continent's pursuit of self-reliance amid global economic challenges, including proposed $555 million funding cuts from the United States. This financial shortfall has intensified discussions on mobilising domestic resources and fostering partnerships with non-traditional donors such as China, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. Five candidates are vying for the presidency, each bringing distinct visions to steer the AfDB through this pivotal period. Swazi Tshabalala, the sole female contender and former senior vice president of the AfDB, advocates for internal restructuring to enhance infrastructure focus and innovation in financial instruments. Amadou Hott, Senegal's ex-economy minister, emphasises African financial self-reliance by improving revenue mobilisation and facilitating private-sector investments. Samuel Munzele Maimbo, a Zambian and current World Bank vice president, proposes enhancing intra-African trade and regulatory streamlining. Sidi Ould Tah of Mauritania focuses on economic sovereignty, capital mobilisation, and building climate-resilient infrastructure. Abbas Mahamat Tolli, with extensive financial experience across Central Africa, aims to strengthen governance and promote digital finance mechanisms. ADVERTISEMENT The election process requires a double majority: over 50% of votes from the 54 African member states and a similar majority from the broader 81-member group, including non-African stakeholders. The outcome, expected on Thursday, will determine the bank's leadership amid pressing financial and developmental challenges. A key highlight of the meetings is the launch of the African Economic Outlook 2025 report, which analyses the continent's economic performance and outlines strategies for effective capital mobilisation. The report addresses issues such as low tax-to-GDP ratios, inefficient public expenditure, and the need for institutional reforms to improve governance and reduce illicit financial flows. The summit also features thematic discussions on building effective institutions, leveraging digital transformation, and enhancing governance to foster inclusive and resilient economies. These discussions aim to align with the Sustainable Development Goals, the Paris Climate Agreement, and the African Union's Agenda 2063. Energy access remains a focal point, with the AfDB highlighting its achievements in connecting over 25 million people to electricity over the past decade. The bank's 'Light up and Power Africa' initiative and the recent 'Mission 300' collaboration with the World Bank aim to provide electricity to 300 million Africans by 2030, emphasising renewable energy investments and public-private partnerships. The meetings occur against a backdrop of global economic shifts, including increased U.S. import tariffs and reduced bilateral support to African countries. These developments have prompted African leaders to advocate for greater self-reliance and the establishment of mechanisms like the African Financial Stability Mechanism , designed to prevent potential debt crises by borrowing on international capital markets with its own credit rating.
Arabian Post
6 days ago
- Business
- Arabian Post
Leadership Transition at AfDB Amidst Funding Challenges
The African Development Bank is convening in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire, this week to elect a new president, as the institution confronts significant financial pressures following proposed reductions in U.S. contributions. The U.S. government's plan to decrease its support to the AfDB and its African Development Fund by $555 million presents a substantial challenge for the incoming president. The successor to President Akinwumi Adesina, who concludes his tenure in September after serving two terms, will need to navigate this financial shortfall. Options include engaging with the U.S. to reconsider its funding decisions, seeking increased contributions from other nations such as China, Saudi Arabia, or the United Arab Emirates, or bolstering financial support from African member states. Five candidates are vying for the presidency: Swazi Tshabalala from South Africa, Amadou Hott from Senegal, Samuel Munzele Maimbo from Zambia, Sidi Ould Tah from Mauritania, and Abbas Mahamat Tolli from Chad. Each brings distinct perspectives and strategies to address the bank's current challenges. ADVERTISEMENT Swazi Tshabalala, the only female candidate and former senior vice president of the AfDB, emphasizes internal restructuring to enhance the bank's focus on infrastructure and innovative financial instruments. Amadou Hott, Senegal's former economy minister, advocates for African financial self-reliance by improving revenue mobilization and facilitating private-sector investments. Samuel Munzele Maimbo, a World Bank vice president from Zambia, supports intra-African trade, regulatory streamlining, and a unified development approach across the continent. Sidi Ould Tah of Mauritania, with extensive experience in development banking, focuses on economic sovereignty, capital mobilization, formalizing Africa's informal sector, and building climate-resilient infrastructure. Abbas Mahamat Tolli, with a rich financial background across Central Africa, proposes enhanced governance, risk pooling, and digital finance mechanisms to curb resource mismanagement and promote self-sufficiency. The election process involves votes from the AfDB's 54 African member states and its broader 81-member group, which includes non-African stakeholders. The outcome will significantly influence the bank's direction amid shifting global economic dynamics. The proposed U.S. funding cuts are part of a broader reevaluation of foreign aid under the current administration. Executive Order 14169, signed on January 20, 2025, initiated a 90-day pause on all U.S. foreign development assistance programs to conduct a comprehensive review. While some humanitarian programs have been exempted, the overall reduction in aid has raised concerns about the impact on development initiatives across Africa. In response to these challenges, African leaders and institutions are emphasizing the need for increased self-reliance and investment in regional development mechanisms. The African Trade Insurance Agency has called for greater investment in African development institutions to reduce dependence on unpredictable donor funding. Similarly, the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention has launched the African Epidemic Fund to provide flexible funding for disease outbreak responses, highlighting a shift towards internally driven solutions.
Business Recorder
7 days ago
- Business
- Business Recorder
African Development Bank to pick new head to confront US funding cuts
NAIROBI/ABIDJAN: The African Development Bank is meeting in Ivory Coast this week to pick a new president at a time when the continent's biggest multilateral lender faces unprecedented challenges from funding cuts by the U.S. government. Washington wants to cut $555 million in funding to the AfDB and its African Development Fund, which offers low-priced financing to the continent's poor nations. 'This is going to be a major task and it is effectively the new president's first test,' said Hannah Ryder, founder of Development Reimagined, an Africa-focused consultancy. The annual gathering of heads of state and finance officials, taking place this year in Abidjan, is one of the biggest finance meetings on the continent. It comes as heavily indebted governments in the region are searching for new sources of financing to bankroll their development projects. AfDB, which is Africa's largest development finance institution with $318 billion capital, is owned by 54 African states and G7 nations such as the U.S. and Japan. Its biggest shareholder is Nigeria. The next round of replenishment for the ADF, which is held on a three-year cycle, is scheduled to take place in November. It is targeting to raise $25 billion, up from $8.9 billion in the last round. The new president will have to try to persuade the U.S. to reinstate the funding, seek additional funds from non-regional members of the bank like China, or Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, in return for more say, or ask African states to contribute more, Ryder said. Five candidates - from South Africa, Senegal, Zambia, Chad and Mauritania - are vying to replace outgoing President Akinwumi Adesina, who will step down in September after serving the maximum two five-year terms. AfDB will focus on boosting electricity connections, increasing food production, fostering industries, integrating economies on the continent and lifting people's living standards over the next decade, Adesina told a media reception at the meeting on Monday. The winner, who must secure at least 50.01% of the votes from the 54 African member states of the bank, and in a second vote from all 81 members, including non-African ones, will be announced on Thursday. The bank is grappling with the challenges of a changing global economy after U.S. President Donald Trump returned to the White House, including higher U.S. import tariffs. 'We expect the meeting to discuss implications of current global events arising from the Trump administration,' said Fred Muhumuza, a lecturer at Makerere University's business school in Kampala. 'Many of the key contributors have been cutting bilateral support to African countries.'
Zawya
29-04-2025
- Business
- Zawya
Will Africa's financial stability fund rise to the debt challenge?
Angola will use its chairmanship of the African Union this year to advance the creation of a continental financial stability mechanism, its finance minister said, to cushion economies from sliding into a liquidity crisis due to external debt repayments. Here are some key aspects of the proposed African Financing Stability Mechanism (AFSM): WHY ARE AFRICAN LEADERS CREATING THE AFSM? With public debt soaring 170% in the past 15 years to more than $1.8 trillion, the 54-nation continent faces heightened external refinancing risks that could morph into a liquidity crisis. Debt repayments, which the African Development Bank (AfDB) estimates at $10 billion annually between now and 2033, come as the region faces slower economic growth, exchange rate volatility and dwindling aid. Angola took over the rotating chairmanship of the African Union in February, and Finance Minister Vera Daves de Sousa said on Friday the AFSM would be a priority to galvanise funds from regional institutions to deal with the debt burden. All this happens against the backdrop of U.S. President Donald Trump's tariffs sparking market turmoil and a sell-off in risky assets, sending borrowing costs higher and potentially limiting market access for smaller, riskier economies -so-called frontier markets- many of which are in Africa. HOW WILL IT WORK? The AfDB, the continent's multilateral development bank, will play a key role though it is unclear whether the mechanism will be hosted within the lender or as a separate entity. Next steps include establishing a legal treaty to govern the facility, African officials said. Modelled on the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), the AFSM is designed to save countries in the region about $20 billion in debt servicing costs in the next 10 years, the AfDB estimates. It will exclusively focus on debt refinancing, backers said, avoiding roles assigned to other bodies like the International Monetary Fund, which also backstops countries facing balance of payments challenges. Once up and running, the AFSM will initially provide debt refinancing loans to members, before branching out to primary and secondary purchase of members' bonds. It will also weigh providing guarantees to members. WHAT WILL ITS CAPACITY BE? The AFSM hopes for an Aa/AA rating, and to attain it will likely offer 20% membership to non-African entities such as highly-rated foreign governments and multilateral development banks. No African country has a rating of Aa/AA. Under that scenario, the AFSM would need $3 billion in capital, split between debt and equity, to start operations, and then provide members with $5 billion for annual refinancing. Its capital would need to grow to $16 billion over the next decade to keep up with members' refinancing requirements, boosting its capacity to $30 billion. Member countries would pay $236 million in the first decade in annual instalments, backers of the initiative said. WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR INVESTORS? There has been scepticism around the plan, mainly because many economies in the region, like Kenya and Angola, have already been struggling with external repayments, raising questions of their financial capacity to bankroll the AFSM. Senegal and Mozambique are also struggling with debt. But AFSM backers, including Angola's de Sousa, say the initiative can tackle debt challenges over the long term. Countries that tap the facility will have to carry out macroeconomic reforms designed to strengthen their economies in exchange for cash, the AfDB said. Supporters say the AFSM is not designed to provide bailouts to countries, but to prevent them from happening, while building a foundation for sustainable growth and development. (Reporting by Duncan Miriri; Additional reporting by Karin Strohecker in Washington DC; Editing by Aidan Lewis)
