Latest news with #non-State
Scoop
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Scoop
World News In Brief: Russia-Ukraine Talks, Sudan Exodus Worsens, Colombia Displacement Rises
16 May 2025 Delegations met in Istanbul for the first direct negotiations in three years, including on a potential ceasefire and large-scale prisoner exchange. The UN acknowledged the important role of Türkiye and the United States in facilitating the talks, said Stephanie Tremblay, a spokesperson for the global body in New York. 'We hope this process will lead to a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire in Ukraine, which would serve as a critical step towards creating the conditions for a just, comprehensive and sustainable peace in Ukraine, in line with the UN Charter, international law and relevant UN resolutions,' she said. Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and the talks marked the first time the parties have met since the early months of the war. Sudan exodus: Worst situation in decades, UN refugee agency warns Tens of thousands of refugees fleeing escalating violence in Sudan continue to escape to Chad at speeds not seen since the start of the conflict two years ago, the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, said on Friday. Many others remain trapped by heavy fighting between government and paramilitary forces. UNHCR spokesperson Eujin Byun told UN News that 20,000 Sudanese refugees are arriving each week in eastern Chad and more than 70 per cent are victims of serious human rights violations during their journey, including assault, extortion and sexual violence. She said the head of UNHCR's office there had characterized this as 'the worst situation he has encountered in his entire decades of career as humanitarian.' One in two refugees who spoke to the UN agency said that they had relatives 'trapped in Sudan' because they have no transport and were afraid of arbitrary arrest or forced recruitment. Over 66,000 Colombians displaced since January More than 66,000 people in Colombia have been newly displaced since mid-January due to fighting between two non-State armed groups, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said on Friday. This represents a 28 per cent increase compared to the number of Colombians displaced in the entirety of last year. Moreover, at the end of 2024, 7.3 million people remained displaced within the country due to violence or conflict - the third largest number outside of Sudan and Syria. In February, the UN's Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) allocated $3.8 million to support new displacements in Colombia. UN aid agencies have been working to distribute this aid, especially in Catatumbo which has been hardest hit by the violence. However, the UN estimates that humanitarians will need $342 million to fully meet the growing needs. So far, they have received only 14 per cent of this money. The recent deadly violence in Colombia's Catatumbo region has highlighted the ongoing challenges in consolidating peace, eight years after the signing of the 2016 Final Peace Agreement.
Hindustan Times
14-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Why, and how, a new Kashmir must be built
In the aftermath of the terror attack in Pahalgam, Kashmir stands once again at a critical inflection point. This act of brutal violence, followed by Operation Sindoor, India's swift and precise counter-terror response, underscores both the volatility of the security environment and the resilience of India's institutions. The grief is profound, the outrage justified, and the strategic questions pressing. This was not merely a barbaric act of terrorism, or a breach of security. It was an assault on the very idea of a peaceful, plural, and open Kashmir. Yet what is equally important — and encouraging — is the response of ordinary Kashmiris: unequivocal, compassionate, and resolute in their rejection of violence. Unlike in earlier decades, there has been no ambiguity, no ambivalence, and no doubt about where the Kashmiris stand. We are, therefore, at a threshold moment. The tragedy of Pahalgam cannot be forgotten. Nor can it be allowed to derail the possibility of transformation. The rejection of violence by ordinary Kashmiris must become the moral centre of our policy. We must act with the imagination of the Sufi, the clarity of the strategist, and the resolve of the constitutionalist. The Kashmir story must move from one of endless conflict management to purposeful nation-building. This requires balancing firmness with fairness, memory with vision, and security with empathy. A new Kashmir is not a dream deferred. It is a national duty, and it must begin now. In that spirit, here are eight strategic steps — rooted in realism but animated by the vision of a new Kashmir — that India must take. Punish Pakistan with precision and patience: India has responded decisively to Pakistan's continued complicity in cross-border terrorism. But a long-term strategy must go beyond immediate retribution. The understanding between the two countries' directors general of military operations (DGMOs) to uphold the ceasefire along the Line of Control renewed a framework of tactical stability. But that ceasefire, like earlier ones, remains precarious — vulnerable to sabotage by non-State actors and bad-faith actors in Rawalpindi. We must now reinforce deterrence not just through security postures, but through sustained diplomatic campaigns to isolate Pakistan internationally, activate counter-terror finance mechanisms, and invest in long-cycle hybrid capabilities. Punishment need not be spectacular, but it must be systematic, strategic, and unrelenting. Restore statehood to reclaim the political compact: The people of Jammu and Kashmir were promised the restoration of statehood. Delivering on that promise now, despite provocations, will convey that India governs not by fear, but by constitutional commitment. Statehood provides the necessary political dignity and institutional accountability that a Union Territory (UT) simply cannot. Its restoration should be swift and unequivocal. The fact remains: Being a UT did not prevent the Pahalgam attacks. Why then delay a promise that can only strengthen the social contract? Create a youth future fund: India must urgently launch a Youth Future Fund for Kashmir — a multi-crore, multi-year initiative aimed at skilling, mentoring, and placing Kashmiri youth in high-growth sectors across India. There is no better long-term investment in peace than ensuring that a generation aspires to build rather than break. Kashmiris today want jobs, education, and inclusion in India's growth story. They want access, not alienation, investment, not ideology. They want the world to see the Valley for its intellect, hospitality, and culture—not through the narrow lens of conflict. This is a sentiment that must be honoured, not ignored. Reclaim and reinvest in the syncretic ethos: The soul of Kashmir is syncretic. This is the land of Lal Ded and Nund Rishi, of shared shrines and composite culture. The state must promote this plural ethos through revived festivals, interfaith dialogue, heritage restoration, and education reform. Cultural diplomacy within India — particularly among youth — must highlight this legacy. Reviving Kashmiriyat is not nostalgia — it is a security imperative. Ensuring the dignified return of the Kashmiri Pandits is essential to this project. Expand the civilian security grid: While the armed forces are indispensable, Kashmir's long-term security requires a robust civilian security architecture. Intelligence networks, police reforms, cyber-monitoring units, and community protection groups must be expanded. Training locals in counter-radicalisation and resilience can complement national efforts. Security cannot be seen as external to society; it must be embedded in the social fabric. Encourage cross-regional pilgrimage and tourism: Despite recent attacks, tourism remains a vital bridge. A sustained campaign to encourage pilgrimages, educational exchanges, and heritage tourism from across India will reinforce mutual bonds. States should be encouraged to adopt districts to build civil society partnerships. Such people-to-people links can achieve more than decades of seminars. Rework the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) in Kashmir's interest: IWT, kept in abeyance, must now be re-evaluated — through the lens of Kashmiri interests. For too long, decisions about river water management have bypassed the people most affected: the Kashmiris. The time has come to rethink this treaty not just technically, but politically and ethically. If Pakistan continues to violate the spirit of regional peace, India must consider whether just keeping the treaty in abeyance serves our national or the region's interest. A withdrawal — calculated, legal, and considered — should not be ruled out if that's what it takes to ensure justice for Kashmir and beyond. As a Kashmiri Pandit, I know the pain of loss — and the power of hope. But I also know that a better future is possible. It must be imagined, articulated, and built — one act of trust at a time. Pahalgam must not become a site of renewed siege. Let it instead be the place from which a new Kashmir rises — dignified, democratic, and deeply Indian.
Hindustan Times
12-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Outcome of India-Pakistan conflict: Much to be pleased about, much to learn
The Taste So, how big was our victory in the conflict with Pakistan? Like most Indians, I would argue that we did very well and that we should commend the government and our armed forces. We made it clear to Pakistan that all terrorist strikes have consequences. It cannot harbour, train, arm and finance terrorists and then expect to be believed when it says these were either indigenous Indian militants or so-called non-State actors. The consequences will not just be military action but will extend further. Nothing is out of bounds now, not even the Indus Waters Treaty which we once treated as sacrosanct. Any terror attack that has a Pakistani component will be treated as an act of war. And if Pakistan wishes to avoid the trauma of the last fortnight it has to rein in its pet terrorists. All of this is indisputable. So why then does it not feel like a major victory? Why is there less of the euphoria that followed Kargil or Balakot? Why is the mood of the country muted and still slightly confused? And even those of us, like me, who argue that we achieved what we set out to do have to confront world opinion which does not see us as the good guys, as the people with the moral high ground — and certainly not as the victors in this conflict. Here are some possible explanations: 1) The world is much more international than it used to be. Information and opinion are both now disseminated so rapidly that it is much harder to influence, let alone control, the narrative. And we have still to master how to fight the information war. This time around Pakistan has managed to get its message across more effectively than ever before. 2) I remember, as a small boy, celebrating our victory over Pakistan in 1965. It took me years to realise that the same celebrations had taken place in Pakistan where they claimed they had won the war. The balance of opinion internationally is that nobody won that war; it was a stalemate. That may well happen this time around but we are no longer as shut off from global opinion as we once were because of the information revolution which allows Pakistan to manipulate global media. And, we can no longer declare our own victories. We have responded to Pakistani claims of success with an excellent briefing by the armed forces and satellite pictures showing how much damage we inflicted on Pakistani airfields. But by launching their own victory celebrations, just as they did in 1965, the Pakistanis have muddied the waters 3) Whenever India has won a clear victory our objectives have been clear. In 1971 we fought Pakistan to liberate Bangladesh. When that was achieved our victory was undeniable. We fought the Kargil war to repel the Pakistani troops who had infiltrated our territory and to prevent them from advancing any further into India. (In the official Pakistani version, the troops were mujahideen.) We succeeded and won. Even the Balakot strike had a clear purpose. We wanted to strike at a terrorist base to punish a terrorist organisation. Once we did that, we were satisfied. And nothing, not even Pakistani claims that we had missed our target could diminish our euphoria. This time around it was harder to declare a clear single objective. Obviously, we wanted to take revenge for Pahalgam. But once we had done that the conflict was transformed into an air battle between the two militaries that public opinion had not been prepared for. How do you decide who won that battle? Both sides are claiming victory because the final objective was so unclear. We need to continue emphasising that our intention was to make Pakistan pay for Pahalgam and that we succeeded. 4) There is always a rah-rah element to the Indian media when it comes to a war. This is not necessarily always a bad thing. But never has it backfired so substantially on the government. Not only did the TV channels declare goals and targets that were never even on the table ('we will flatten Pakistan') they also lied night after night ('Karachi port has been destroyed') in a manner that heightened public expectations to absurd and unrealistic levels. The government acted against media outlets that it felt were damaging the war effort. Perhaps, it should actually have been more concerned about those that were so supportive that they told lies and raised expectations to ludicrous levels. 5) There is no doubt that the world did not pay enough attention to our perspective on the reasons for the war. We acted to prevent terrorists from slaughtering our people. That's justified and is a principle that many countries including the US regard as legitimate. We were consistent in getting this message across and Indian envoys abroad did a sterling job in appearing on media outlets to say that our sole concern was to act against terrorism. Unfortunately, the Pakistanis were able to persuade much of the western media that this was just another episode in the battle for Kashmir. It's significant that nearly every western media outlet and most leaders saw this as a continuation of the Kashmir conflict. 6) Was this at least partly because we waited too long to strike? Perhaps we had no choice because our forces were not ready. But shouldn't they have been? We waited for a similar length of time after the Pulwama massacre so by now we should have known what we had to do. On the other hand, we did manage to get our message across despite a similar delay after Pulwama, so perhaps this time it was a combination of factors that diluted the impact of our message. 7) Not since 1971 have citizens outside of the immediate border area felt as much at risk as they did this time because the drones and missiles put everyone in danger. Since Kargil we have treated war as something fought by professionals a long way from our homes. This time it came so close that it worried many civilians. 8) We should never have let Donald Trump announce the ceasefire. And even if we were powerless to stop him we should have grabbed the narrative back. The Prime Minister or the defence minister should have addressed the nation to explain why we had agreed to a sudden ceasefire when we claimed we were crushing Pakistan. To say only that the DGMOs of the two countries negotiated the peace is an insult to the intelligence of everyone. 9) So yes, I think we achieved what we set out to do. And yes, of course it is a victory. There is much to be pleased about. But there is also much we can learn from the experience of the last fortnight.
NDTV
07-05-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
'Pak Army Complicity Most Politically Explosive...': Sources On Op Sindoor
New Delhi: The role of the Pakistani army in supporting terrorists to launch attacks against India became even more evident today when they stood up in defence of terror infrastructure hit by Indian missile strikes. Called Operation Sindoor, India carried out 24 precision missile strikes in nine locations - Muzaffarabad, Kotli, Bahawalpur, Rawalakot, Chakswari, Bhimber, Neelum Valley, Jhelum, and Chakwal, which were identified as hubs of terrorist activity, sources said. The operation targeted camps affiliated with Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM). Over 70 militants were killed and more than 60 wounded, significantly degrading the operational capability of these groups, sources said. Perhaps the most politically explosive dimension of Operation Sindoor was the direct attribution of complicity by the Pakistani army in supporting terrorist infrastructure, sources said. This was not the first time such an accusation had been leveled, but the timing and scale of Operation Sindoor highlighted that India had decided to act on this long-standing intelligence assessment, they said. Indian military and intelligence sources pointed to irrefutable evidence that elements within the Pakistan Army, particularly those connected to the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), were providing logistical support, safe havens, training, and financial backing to terrorist groups operating in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Punjab province. The proximity of some of the terrorist camps to known military installations and cantonments reinforced suspicions that they were being deliberately shielded, sources said. In several cases, terrorists were seen using Pakistani army infrastructure as cover or enjoying unfettered access to restricted zones, they said, adding that despite repeated international appeals, the Pakistani establishment had done little to dismantle these networks - a passive tolerance that, in India's view, amounted to active collaboration. India has sought not only to destroy physical infrastructure but also to internationally expose the duality of the Pakistan Army, which presented itself as a responsible actor on global platforms while covertly nurturing violent non-State actors, sources said. India also circulated intelligence dossiers to major powers outlining the links between the Pakistan Army and the targeted groups. These documents included communication intercepts, satellite imagery, and financial transaction trails, sources said. The goal was to bolster India's diplomatic case and push for the international designation of certain Pakistani-based individuals and entities as global terrorists.
The Hindu
28-04-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Fresh wave of hoax bomb threats targets Kerala CM Pinarayi Vijayan's office, residence and Kochi airport
Kerala Police's anti-sabotage squads conducted almost simultaneous sweeps of Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan's office and his official residence at Cliff House in Thiruvananthapuram after a fresh wave of bomb threats targeted sensitive facilities, including the Nedumbassery airport in Kochi, for the third consecutive day on Monday (April 28, 2025). According to police officials, the latest in the string of identical bomb threats also targeted the office of the Additional Chief Secretary, Finance, Kerala, on Monday. They said the sender identified himself as Abdul Anulappados, possibly a false identity. The sender claimed that an anonymous saboteur had planted a 'sulfur and RDX-based improvised explosive device (IED)' at Cliff House, the official residence of the Chief Minister of Kerala. The threat-maker said the IED would 'explode at 14.30 hours' on Monday. The individual demanded the immediate evacuation of Mr. Vijayan from the residence. The sender claimed that a Coimbatore-based 'crystal-meth cartel' wanted to 'assassinate' Mr. Vijayan to 'derail his attempt to staunch the inflow of synthetic drugs from Tamil Nadu into Kerala.' According to police officials, the sender blamed Jaffer Sadique, a DMK activist arrested on drug charges by the Tamil Nadu Police in Chennai in July 2024, for 'planting the bomb'. The sender claimed that a 'rogue IPS' officer in Tamil Nadu aided the drug cartel and used an encrypted software, Galileo, to make airline, courier, hotel, travel and car rental reservations for international drug smuggling. A top official told The Hindu that the threat-maker spoofed his/her identity by using dynamic VPN addresses and IP-based internet telephony networks that were vulnerable to hacking and hostile takeover. He said the police suspect the scaremonger to be an individual rather than a group of persons working for non-State actors, including terrorist organisations, as suspected initially. The Kerala and Tamil Nadu police have launched a joint investigation. 'The threat-maker had targeted key facilities in Tamil Nadu last month before pivoting to Kerala', he added. The State police also worked with Central agencies to probe the threat nationally. Another investigator said the threat-maker appeared to be exploiting the tense national atmosphere prevalent in the country following the Pahalgam terror attack to sow panic. He said the e-mail threats, prima facie, followed a pattern linked to a similar string of bomb scares targeting schools in New Delhi last year. 'It could be a typical copycat crime. There also seemed to be a political motive linked to Tamil Nadu', he added. Mere hoaxes Investigators said the threats so far were not credible and were mere hoaxes. However, they said the aim could be to cause disruption, stretch law enforcement resources thin, fatigue quick reaction forces and emergency responders or study the response of the State's security apparatus, including reaction time and methods. Investigators said false alarms might also be designed to overwhelm security systems so something credibly lethal could slip through. Bomb scares also caused tremendous public anxiety. A fake bomb threat at the Thiruvananthapuram airport and the Central Railway Station caused minor disruption on Sunday. On Saturday, several top hotels, courts and district collectorates reported bomb threats, which later proved to be a hoax. Nevertheless, disruption and some financial losses resulted.
