Latest news with #peacekeeping
BreakingNews.ie
13 hours ago
- Politics
- BreakingNews.ie
Killers of Irish peacekeeper have escaped justice for too long
It is 'unsatisfactory' that the main person convicted for the killing of an Irish peacekeeper in 2022 is still at large, the Taoiseach has said. Micheál Martin was speaking after a man was given a death sentence in Lebanon over Private Seén Rooney's death. Advertisement Rooney, 24, from Newtowncunningham in Co Donegal, was killed when a convoy of Irish troops serving with a UN peacekeeping force was ambushed and fired upon on December 14th 2022. The shooting happened near the town of Al-Aqbiya in the south of Lebanon, a stronghold of Hezbollah. Pte Rooney, from the 121 Infantry Battalion of the Defence Forces, was killed. In March, Tánaiste Simon Harris said he pressed the case during meetings in Beirut with the Lebanese ministers for foreign affairs and defence. Advertisement On Monday, the Government was informed of the completion of a military tribunal in Beirut for those indicted for the murder of Pte Rooney. Taoiseach Micheál Martin said a number of people had been convicted in relation to his murder but some of the sentences were 'unduly lenient'. 'The main culprit was at large and that is very, very regrettable,' he said ahead of Cabinet. 'The delay that it has taken to have justice has been far too long and I must say that some of the sentences are unduly lenient as well in respect of others. Advertisement 'Peacekeeping is a very noble cause and Private Sean Rooney gave his life to the cause of peacekeeping and to protect others. 'I've said repeatedly to the Lebanese authorities that the nobility of the role of the peacekeeper must always be reflected in terms of bringing those who are responsible for this murder to justice and we will continue to make that point.' The Taoiseach said death sentences in Lebanon had not been applied for 'quite some time' and the expectation is that it will be commuted. 'Overall, those responsible had escaped, if you like, justice for far too long. Many are at large for quite some time and the main individual now is at large as well and that is very unsatisfactory.' Advertisement He added: 'The court has made its decision, we can't interfere in the operation of the court itself. But I think the whole process certainly left a lot to be desired.'
Irish Times
a day ago
- Politics
- Irish Times
Man sentenced to death in his absence over killing of Pte Seán Rooney in Lebanon
A military tribunal in Lebanon has sentenced to death a man accused of killing Irish soldier Seán Rooney, according to Lebanese news reports. A United Nations peacekeeping force was targeted in an attack on their UN vehicle in the village of at Al-Aqbiya, Lebanon, in December 2022. Private Rooney and a number of his colleagues were injured in the attack. Pte Rooney later died. The men were part of a convoy travelling to Beirut Airport. A military tribunal in the Lebanese capital of Beirut sentenced the main defendant in the case, Mohammad Ayyad, to death, according to local reports. READ MORE Other defendants, who were not previously before the court, have received sentences of a lesser nature. It is understood Lebanon has not carried out an execution in about 20 years. The main defendant was released on bail some time ago and was not in court on Monday when the sentence was decided. As well as being sentenced to death, Ayyad was fined 100 million Lebanese pounds (€960). Another defendant was sentenced to three months in prison and the same fine, another to one month and the same fine. Three others were fined 200 million Lebanese pounds each. Another defendant was acquitted. Micheál Martin , who has previously said the Government believed the Hizbullah militia was primarily responsible for Pte Rooney's death, welcomed the conviction of the main defendant. But the Taoiseach said it was 'unsatisfactory' that the man 'is still at large' and said 'many will feel the sentences passed down on the other defendants are far too lenient'. He said the delay in progressing the case was 'deeply regrettable'. 'Peacekeeping is the most noble cause of all, and the role of the peacekeeper must at all times be honoured and respected. This is a very difficult day for the family of Seán Rooney, in particular his mother Natasha,' he said. 'Seán was a soldier of great courage who put the safety of others before his own safety in the line of duty. He was brave and diligent.' Mr Martin said his thoughts and prayers were with Pte Rooney's mother, family, friends and colleagues. Minister for Defence Simon Harris welcomed the conviction of the main defendant and a number of the other defendants who had not previously been in court. 'While noting the sentence handed down to the main defendant, I am disappointed and share the disappointment of Pte Rooney's family at the lighter sentences imposed on a number of those convicted today.' Pte Rooney had made the ultimate sacrifice in the noble pursuit of peace, he said. 'This is a difficult time for his family and his colleagues, especially those who were injured that night. All our thoughts are with them at this time,' the Tánaiste said. Mr Harris said he wanted to express his appreciation to his officials, Ireland's Ambassador to Lebanon, members of the Defence Forces, Ireland's Honorary Consul to Lebanon and the Department's Lebanese lawyer, all of whom attended Monday's hearing along with a member of Pte Rooney's family. Lebanese reports said the tribunal's president, Brigadier General Wassim Fayyad, said: 'Hearts beat for the continued presence of the peacekeeping forces in Lebanon, given the humanitarian, social, and even cultural work they are doing.'
Zawya
3 days ago
- Politics
- Zawya
Mahama attends Liberia's 178th independence anniversary
President John Dramani Mahama, on Saturday, joined President Joseph Nyuma Boakai and the people of Liberia to celebrate their 178th Independence Day celebration in Monrovia. The event held at the Centennial Memorial Pavilion in Monrovia, Montserrado County, was attended by heads of states from the subregion including the Presidents of Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Guinea Bissau. There were also representatives of the governments of Cote D'Ivoire, Nigeria, and Gambia. Liberia used the occasion to recognise ECOWAS member states that contributed troops to the multinational peacekeeping force, ECOMOG, which played a key role in ending the civil war as well as securing humanitarian corridors during the Liberian war. President Mahama received Ghana's honour from the Liberian President on behalf of the Ghana Armed Forces and the people of Ghana for the contribution of its gallant soldiers. President Boakai in a spirit of national reconciliation said Liberia must heal itself, unite for a common purpose and inspire all for a faster development of the country. He called on all his citizens to leverage on technology to transform Liberia. The celebration as on the theme 'One people, one destiny, healing the past and building the future the ceremony reflected on the past, need for stock taking, reconciliation, a united national identity to rebuild a peaceful Liberia, endowed with rich natural resources'. The President was accompanied by the Minister for Defence, Dr Edward Omane Boamah, the Chief of Defence Staff of the Ghana Armed Forces, Lt. General William Agyapong and Deputy Chief of Staff, Operations, Stanislav Xoese Dogbe. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of The Presidency, Republic of Ghana.
Zawya
3 days ago
- Politics
- Zawya
Sierra Leone's President Bio Honoured at Liberia Independence Celebrations, as he Delivers Inspiring Keynote on Shared History and Regional Unity
His Excellency Dr. Julius Maada Bio, President of the Republic of Sierra Leone and Chairperson of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government, has been honoured with a plaque of recognition by the Government of Liberia in appreciation of Sierra Leone's critical contribution to the peacekeeping efforts that helped restore stability during Liberia's civil conflict. The presentation took place during the celebration of Liberia's 178th Independence Anniversary at the Centennial Memorial Pavilion in Monrovia. The commemorative plaque acknowledged the sacrifices of Sierra Leonean men and women, both in and out of uniform, who served through the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) during Liberia's most difficult years. In a powerful keynote address themed 'One People, One Destiny: Healing the Past, Building the Future,' President Bio reflected on his own role as a young officer in the Sierra Leone Armed Forces deployed to Liberia with ECOMOG. 'I once stood on this sacred soil not as a visitor, but as a peacemaker,' he said. 'I remember walking the streets of White Plains, Gardnersville, and Monrovia Freeport during a time of great hardship. Even then, I could sense the deep endurance of the Liberian people.' President Bio described the recognition as a deeply personal and humbling moment. 'To be honoured on this day is not just a diplomatic courtesy, it is a homecoming. We receive this honour with pride and renewed commitment to regional unity, democratic stability, and shared peace.' Also addressing the gathering, Liberia's Minister of Foreign Affairs, H.E. Mme. Sara Beysolow Nyanti, expressed profound gratitude to all ECOMOG troop-contributing countries, singling out President Bio for his personal role during the conflict. 'You stood with us in our most difficult time,' she said. 'The true legacy of ECOMOG is not only found on the battlefield or in treaties signed, but in the peace we enjoy today.' The celebration brought together Heads of State and representatives from across the region, including President Joseph Nyuma Boakai of Liberia, President John Dramani Mahama of Ghana, President Umaro Sissoco Embaló of Guinea-Bissau, and President Bassirou Diomaye Faye of Senegal. President Bio emphasized the deep cultural and historical ties between Sierra Leone and Liberia, calling the two nations 'twin souls' bound by shared rivers, languages, and struggles. 'When Liberia trembled under the weight of war, Sierra Leone felt the tremors too. And when we cried out in our own agony, you mourned with us. This is not coincidence. This is kinship,' he declared. In his capacity as ECOWAS Chair, President Bio also used the moment to outline key regional priorities, including revitalizing regional security cooperation, strengthening democracy, unlocking economic integration, and building institutional credibility. 'Let us align our goals in trade, education, and security and let the Mano River Union become a living promise of solidarity. Let our borders bind, not divide.' He called on West African nations to recommit to regional cooperation not only in times of crisis but as a daily practice of development and peacebuilding. 'Our youth are crossing borders in search of opportunity. Let us build systems that allow them to do so safely, legally, and with dignity,' he urged. President Bio concluded his keynote with a heartfelt tribute to the people of Liberia. 'Thank you for reminding the world that peace is not only possible. it is powerful. May God bless the Republic of Liberia, may God bless the Republic of Sierra Leone, and may God bless the deep, enduring friendship that binds us.' President Bio arrived in Monrovia by road this morning and is scheduled to return to Sierra Leone later today via the same route. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of State House Sierra Leone.
Mail & Guardian
4 days ago
- Politics
- Mail & Guardian
Rwanda's security forays buck the trend
Kigali's bilateral agreements with Maputo and Bangui are underpinned by mining ventures. Photo: Simon Wohlfahrt/AFP Amid mounting criticism of United Nations peacekeeping missions and Western military involvement, many African governments have sought alternative security partners — private military companies, local militias and several regional partnerships such as the Alliance of Sahel States and Multinational Joint Task Force around the Lake Chad Basin. In the eyes of many scholars and practitioners, these partnerships challenge long-standing normative preferences for multilateral and regional institutions, namely the African Union and its regional economic communities. These institutions have long been lauded for their mandates to preserve the sovereignty of cooperating states and develop collective legitimacy in African governance. In practice, however, consensus-building has frequently led to slow deployment timelines and gross operational inefficiencies on the ground. While operational successes under multilateral institutions do exist, they are more often exceptions and are vastly outpaced by the decisive responses demanded by Africa's security crises. Against this backdrop, Rwanda's recent forays into bilateral security agreements mark a significant departure from Africa's status quo. Kigali's deployments to the Central African Republic (CAR) in 2020 and Mozambique in 2021 challenge both conventional norms and institutional habits. The relative success of these deployments, especially in contrast with their multilateral equivalents, raises a fundamental question of African security cooperation. As more states pivot toward bilateral partnerships, is it time to recalibrate Africa's security architecture? If so, what normative and legal frameworks must accompany this shift to prevent entrenching patterns of dependency and personalised security politics? Once a recipient of international peacekeeping itself, Rwanda has since become a frequent contributor to peace and security operations in Africa. As a post-genocide state, it carries a unique moral authority on matters of civilian protection. Kigali has sought to amplify this influence through its vocal advocacy for the robust defence of endangered civilians, being one of three countries to co-sponsor a United Nations appeal, known as the Kigali Principles, in 2015. The country's foreign policy took a more assertive turn in late 2020, when Kigali dispatched troops to the CAR to counter an insurgent offensive against the capital. Only a few months later, in mid-2021, Rwandan troops deployed to Mozambique's Cabo Delgado province. Rwanda was engaged through a bilateral agreement and therefore free to operate outside any pre-existing multilateral mandates or rules of engagement. From the onset, Rwandan troops were engaged in offensive operations to reclaim insurgent-held territory, including the port town of Mocímboa da Praia. Subsequent campaigns saw Rwandan forces push deeper into Ahlu Sunna Wa Jama (ASWJ) strongholds, including in an eight-day campaign along the Messalo River to capture a key base in Mbau and later joining the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) for a coordinated assault in Macomia. Despite its emphasis on kinetic, offensive engagements, Rwanda also placed importance on developing a rapport with the local population. This involved taking on various community activities, including static engineering projects and the delivery of healthcare services in remote villages, as well as more dynamic security measures such as accompanying at-risk smallholders to provide protective overwatch while crops were being tilled. These efforts brought troops into close proximity with local populations, who became vital sources of real-time intelligence on insurgent movements. Very few, if any, African interventions have simultaneously managed to secure territorial gains, minimise civilian casualties and sustain their engagement with local populations. (Graphic: John McCann/M&G) In contrast to the operational successes attributed to Rwandan forces, the SAMIM struggled with fragmented command structures, logistical inertia and restrictive rules of engagement. In some instances, troops were confined to their forward operating bases, which severely undermined their effectiveness and all but ruled out any possibility of battlefield gains. In a move that clearly favoured its bilateral partnership with Rwanda, Mozambique did not establish a joint command structure to enable coordination or intelligence sharing among the various security partners. Although the agreements themselves are known only to the countries' top leadership, Rwanda's commercial interests in the CAR and Mozambique hint at potential motives for its involvement. Crystal Ventures, the commercial wing of Rwanda's ruling party, has rapidly expanded its operations in the CAR and Mozambique through its subsidiary companies in recent years. Vogueroc Mining, a firm reportedly backed by Crystal Ventures, received government approval in 2022 to explore mineral licences at five sites in the CAR. In Mozambique, a joint venture between Rwanda's Isco Segurança and a local firm won a contract from TotalEnergies to secure $20 billion in LNG infrastructure. Another Crystal Ventures-linked company, Strofinare Mozambique, began exploring graphite deposits near Ancuabe in 2021, a region strategically close to Rwandan operational bases. This suggests a dual-track strategy that blends security assistance with economic diplomacy, both of which increase Rwanda's leverage with the external financiers of its deployments. While the European Union and France foot most of the bill, Mozambique pays only a small amount directly to Kigali in exchange for its security services. The deficit, it seems, is made up with commercial concessions. Rwanda is not the only African state engaging in such dual-track diplomacy, but it is quickly becoming one of the most effective. While various explanations have been offered for Rwanda's successes in the CAR and Mozambique, its interventions signify more than just operational efficiency. They coincide with a growing trend among African states to act through bilateral agreements, bypassing the AU and its regional blocs. This reflects a global shift from multilateralism to ad hoc, interest-driven solutions. These agreements have advantages but often lack the clear mandates or oversight mechanisms expected of multilateral agreements. Human rights abuses can go unchecked without such rules of engagement and legal accountability, perhaps even more than has happened under multilateral missions. In Mozambique, the SAMIM forces were credibly accused of burning insurgent remains, although the subsequent investigation is still said to be ongoing. While multilateral oversight does not guarantee accountability, by sidelining regional frameworks altogether, it is unclear where the burden of oversight resides. This greatly weakens external scrutiny, particularly as missions overrun their original timelines or mandates. Missions exceeding initial timelines also risk dependency. Mozambique's reliance on Rwandan troops has grown significantly since 2021, with little sign of a coherent exit strategy or meaningful local security capacity being developed in parallel. When foreign forces play such a central role in stabilisation missions, the host state may come to defer their governance responsibilities rather than develop them. Rwanda's role of peacekeeper, counterinsurgent and stabiliser has blurred traditional categories of external intervention in an already neglected province of Mozambique. At the risk of entrenching a model prioritising stability over sustainability, it needs to be asked whether bilateral agreements are enough to deliver security gains or if local capacity building and governance reform should also be on the agenda. A reconfiguration of Africa's security governance, where bilateral deployments and coalitions of the willing are increasingly being perceived as more capable and credible than multilateral interventions, suggests that other capable states may seek to emulate these results, especially when lucrative commercial opportunities form part of the agreement. Although Rwanda's successes in Cabo Delgado have garnered a fair amount of attention, its model may not be easily replicable. Few African militaries possess the combination of professionalism, logistical capability and reputational capital that Kigali has cultivated to market itself as a security partner. Rwanda's playbook may very well be an outlier and not a trendsetter, although the possibility of other states seeking out similar strategies cannot be ruled out. As more states consider bilateral partners, Africa could enter an era of hybrid security governance, where formal regional mechanisms coexist with bilateral agreements. These agreements will probably exist between states with capable militaries and receptive host states and carry not only the risk of fragmentation but also of entrenching personalised security politics and dependency. If hybrid security agreements are to become the new normal, Africa must urgently debate the norms, rules and red lines that will govern their use. Erika van der Merwe is a research intern with the peace and security programme at Good Governance Africa. She is pursuing a master's in international relations at the University of Cape Town, specialising in security studies.
