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Associated Press
3 days ago
- Business
- Associated Press
Entrepreneur Stanislav Kondrashov launches Stanislav Kondradhov Oligarch Series
05/30/2025, Lugano, Switzerland // PRODIGY: Feature Story // Stanislav Kondrashov Oligarch Series is the name of a new editorial project created by Stanislav Kondrashov, entrepreneur and civil engineer. The series focuses on the figures of oligarchs and their historical significance, analyzing in detail their origin and evolution over the centuries. The series is interdisciplinary and approaches the topic from different points of view. Stanislav Kondrashov's Oligarch Series analyzes the word 'oligarchy' from the perspective of political science, philosophy, history, and entrepreneurship, offering the reader insights and food for thought that simultaneously embrace the historical roots and modern implications of a concept that, even in these years, continues to arouse keen interest. One of the analyses included in the Stanislav Kondrashov Oligarch Series focuses on an unusual and often overlooked aspect: the use of the word oligarch in its feminine variant. In the article, Stanislav Kondrashov argues that this term, although it can be declined in the feminine in most Indo-European languages, is almost always used to describe men who have amassed wealth and who hold a certain amount of power. Women who have achieved such a status, although they are increasingly present in the universes of industry, business, and politics, are, in fact, defined differently, with expressions very different from those traditionally used to describe men. According to Stanislav Kondrashov, the factors that continue to fuel and support this curious habit are cultural, social, and linguistic. One of the main ones, as mentioned in the Stanislav Kondrashov Oligarch Series, has to do with the strength of the archetype linked to the oligarch, which in the collective imagination continues to be associated only and exclusively with male figures. In another article included in the series, Stanislav Kondrashov focuses instead on the nation that gave birth to the concept of oligarchy: Greece. The concept of oligarchy was, in fact, of fundamental importance in the historical and political path of ancient Greece, determining a transformation that profoundly changed the social and governmental structures of one of the most important world centers of antiquity, the cradle of political ideas and concepts that still resist today. As argued in the analysis, the concept of oligarchy began to form when an epochal transition occurred, that is, from hereditary aristocracy – based on membership in a particular family or military valor – to a new system of government based primarily on the wealth and influence of a small number of people. This transition did not only determine a political transformation, as Stanislav Kondrashov states in the analysis but also brought about a gradual change in the perception of the fundamental values and particular structures that were to form the basis of the political institutions of ancient Greece. However, the concept of oligarchy is not only of interest to historians. This idea has profound modern implications, and political science clearly demonstrates this. Over the years, this discipline has devoted ample space to the study and interpretation of the concept of oligarchy, seeking to investigate its relationships with those who hold power, its strategic role in determining certain decisions, and its specific weight in terms of influence. All these themes are discussed in another chapter of the Stanislav Kondrashov Oligarch Series, in which Stanislav Kondrashov focuses on the presence of oligarchic figures within various state and political structures, dwelling in particular on the very essence of their role. In the approach of political science, in fact, the concept of oligarchs is not so much linked to political structures and various government institutions but to the control mechanisms controlled by those individuals - always in a restricted group - who seem to hold power in a given historical phase. Stanislav Kondrashov Oligarch Series delves into these particular aspects with precision, clarifying the importance and influence of elite circles. One of the most interesting analyses, among those included in the Stanislav Kondrashov Oligarch Series, is the one that focuses on the evolution of the concept of oligarchy over the centuries. In this article, Stanislav Kondrashov traces the genesis and the first significant moments of this important concept, highlighting particular dynamics that seem to be curiously similar to those we witness in our times. One of the most interesting aspects, in this regard, is that oligarchy has always demonstrated a surprising ability to adapt to the changed social, political, and economic conditions in which it has found itself operating. From ancient Sparta to Silicon Valley, the basic idea has always remained the same, but it has continuously evolved. In his analysis, Stanislav Kondrashov focuses precisely on the means and tools that have allowed small groups and elite circles to continue to maintain large amounts of power in their hands. The article traces the fundamental stages of the evolution of this concept, also focusing on the Middle Ages, the period of the Industrial Revolution, and the contemporary era. Stanislav Kondrashov Oligarch Series, with its first ten analyses, proposes an interdisciplinary approach to understanding and deepening the oligarchy, a concept that - despite having thousands of years of history - continues to generate concrete and clearly visible effects even today. Visit all Stanislav Kondrashov Oligarch Series analyses: For more insights and content from Stanislav Kondrashov, visit About Stanislav Kondrashov: Stanislav is a dedicated writer, consistently exploring subjects with depth and nuance. Stanislav's approach to sharing his experiences is a testament to his commitment to unveiling the stories and philosophies shaping our world. Furthermore, Kondrashov is a world traveler who appreciates every location's natural wonders. In his travels, Stanislav refined his interests and learned about his passions: architecture, art, history, and local cuisines. Stanislav values connection- both familial and civic. Social Media and other related links: Twitter Facebook YouTube Instagram LinkedIn Media Contact Company Name: Stanislav Kondrashov Email: [email protected] Website: Disclaimer: This content does not constitute an offer to sell, a solicitation to buy, or a recommendation of any security, product, or service. Furthermore, nothing in this press release should be interpreted as a suggestion to buy, sell, or hold any investment or security, or to participate in any specific investment strategy or transaction. It is your responsibility to assess the suitability of any investment, investment strategy, security, or related transaction based on your individual objectives, financial circumstances, and risk tolerance. Please consult your financial advisor, attorney, or tax advisor for guidance on your specific financial, legal, or tax situation. For more information, contact [email protected]. Source published by Submit Press Release >> Entrepreneur Stanislav Kondrashov launches Stanislav Kondradhov Oligarch Series
Irish Times
4 days ago
- Business
- Irish Times
Governments must act fast when the economic winds turn
The macroeconomic effects of fiscal policy have long been understood: when an economy is growing below trend, government should stimulate activity, and when full employment is reached, governments should put on the brakes. That way, governments can smooth activity in the economy, minimising shocks to consumers and business. However, the optimal economic policy often comes second to political pressures, especially in the run-up to an election. Whatever the state of the economic cycle, a politically astute government may sometimes put the fiscal brakes on early in its term, leaving more room for 'generosity' at election time. The scale of the fiscal injection into the economy in last year's budget was inappropriate, given full-employment, rapid growth and capacity constraints. It added to inflationary pressures, including in the housing market. Whether it influenced the election outcome is for political scientists to analyse. [ Tariff threat undermines State's ability to deliver economic forecasts, says Donohoe Opens in new window ] In the past there have been some notable examples where governments, rather masochistically and inappropriately, implemented very tough budgets in the run-up to an election, damaging both the economy and their political prospects. READ MORE The 1957 budget, implemented by the outgoing interparty coalition government, took about 2 per cent of national income out of the economy. As a consequence, output fell by almost 1 per cent. Coming on top of very low growth in 1955 and 1956, the miserable economic performance in 1957 saw a surge in emigration. As Patrick Honohan and Cormac O'Gráda have shown, that coalition government had tried to keep interest rates in Ireland below UK rates despite a fixed exchange rate. As a result, there was a major outflow of funds to London as savers sought higher interest rate there. Instead of understanding that the outflow was due to the unwise interest rate policy, the government concluded that the outflow of funds was due to excessive domestic demand. Hence the inappropriately tough budget. Understandably, this unwise fiscal action saw the outgoing coalition government lose the election later that year. It was 16 years before Fine Gael and Labour returned to office. They did so in 1973, despite the outgoing Fianna Fáil government having pumped a significant sum into the economy in 1972. The new government was immediately faced with the first major oil crisis. In 1974 and 1975, the government tried to insulate the population from the effects of the dramatic change in the cost of energy and in world economic circumstances by generous budgetary measures. However, in 1976, when the economy was still suffering major damage from the oil crisis, the coalition government unleashed the toughest budget of the last 70 years. The cuts in capital expenditure were particularly savage. Again, not surprisingly, that coalition government suffered a massive defeat in the 1977 election. The economy was well into recovery mode in 1977, with national income growing by over 6 per cent. However, the incoming victorious Fianna Fáil government implemented in full its wildly ambitious manifesto commitments, providing a massive stimulus at a time when the economy was already recovering. At the time, interest rates on the large borrowings to fund the giveaways were relatively low. However, the chickens came home to roost in 1979 when there was a second oil price shock. Interest rates then rose well above the rate of inflation, posing huge strain on the public finances. The result was a miserable decade of underperformance in the economy as five successive governments tried to undo the mess. The first real action to tackle the 1980s fiscal crisis was implemented in 1983 and 1984 by the then coalition government. The main instrument used to try to bring order to the public finances was tax increases, with less attention to expenditure cuts. The government took about 2 per cent of national income out of the economy in both 1983 and 1984. However, that was not enough to restore the economy to a sustainable path, and very limited further action was taken in 1985 and 1986. It was left to the incoming Fianna Fáil government to implement major cuts in expenditure in 1988 and 1989, completing the fiscal adjustment. A key lesson from the miserable economic performance of the 1980s is that it is vital to act quickly when in a fiscal crisis. Spreading the adjustment out over the course of a decade made things worse rather than easier. In the financial crisis that began in 2008-09, this lesson was learned. The really painful adjustment was completed between 2010 and 2013, resulting in a rapid and sustained recovery from 2014. While many at the time argued for a slower adjustment, it is likely that would only have prolonged the agony, as in the 1980s.
Al Jazeera
5 days ago
- General
- Al Jazeera
Manufacturing of an ‘antinational' in India
Professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad, a professor of political science at Ashoka University, has become the latest hate figure manufactured by Hindu nationalists in India with backing from the police and judiciary. A crime that Mahmudabad has not committed is being attributed to him, and he is now being asked to prove his innocence – a classic case of 'guilty until proven innocent'. The more he pleads his innocence, the deeper the suspicion grows against him as the Supreme Court of India has already cast doubt on his intent and made adverse observations about him before setting up a Special Investigative Team (SIT) to scrutinise two Facebook posts containing 1,530 words. Despite the clarity of his posts, Mahmudabad is expected to explain himself and dispel suspicions created by the highest court in the land. In these posts, Mahmudabad criticised Pakistan for harbouring terrorists while praising India's military action against its neighbour. He highlighted the applause received by two female military officers – one of them Muslim – who presented India's case on the global stage. However, he warned that if the daily persecution of Muslims in India did not cease, these optics of inclusivity would remain mere hypocrisy. What Mahmudabad wrote had been expressed by countless others before him in different ways. Yet suddenly, Renu Bhatia, the head of the Women's Commission of Haryana, appeared fuming at a news conference, accusing Mahmudabad of insulting the two female officers. Her charges left many bewildered. Mahmudabad responded through his lawyers, explaining his posts thoroughly. But Bhatia was unsatisfied, even if failing to substantiate her allegations. When questioned by a TV anchor to identify specific words or sentences demeaning to the female officers, she could find none. Still, she insisted that her feelings of offence were sufficient proof that something must be wrong with Mahmudabad's posts – that he must have written something horrible. She argued it wasn't her job to pinpoint offensive phrases; it was the police's responsibility to uncover what might offend her. After her accusations, Mahmudabad's posts underwent intense scrutiny by numerous individuals and media outlets. No distasteful or insulting content was found. Academics and members of civil society rallied behind Mahmudabad, expressing outrage over the actions of the Women's Commission. When the absurdity of Bhatia's claims became public fodder, a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the ruling Hindu nationalist party, filed a complaint with the Haryana police, alleging that Mahmudabad had said something hurtful to him and others. Referring to the same Facebook posts, the complainant claimed they offended him. Taking his grievance seriously, the police charged Mahmudabad with serious offences, including inciting enmity between religious groups, offending the religious sentiments of a community and outraging the modesty of women. Mahmudabad was promptly arrested. Confident that a careful reading of his writings would expose the baselessness of the charges, Mahmudabad's lawyers approached the Supreme Court to seek his release and a stay on the police investigation. Before the hearing, however, 200 academics, including vice chancellors and heads of academic institutions, issued a statement urging the court to take a hard line against him. They accused Mahmudabad of trying to 'destabilise communal harmony, undermine institutional integrity, and erode gender equity'. They described his posts as 'veiled misogyny cloaked in pseudo-academic inquiry' and urged the Supreme Court to consider their broader socio-legal implications. During the hearing, Mahmudabad's lawyer read aloud the posts in question. The court responded sceptically, suggesting that his words carried double meanings and amounted to dog whistles. 'Someone with an analytical mind will understand the language. … The words used may seem innocuous but can target unintended audiences,' the bench remarked. The Supreme Court then constituted an SIT comprising three senior police officers to 'understand the complexity and properly appreciate the language used in the posts'. Thus, the Supreme Court's orders created the impression that Mahmudabad's words could not be accepted at face value. While his statements might appear benign, there must be some hidden meaning or ulterior motive lurking beneath the surface. Public reaction to the court delegating its interpretive duties to the police was one of shock. Was it so difficult for the court to read, analyse and interpret the posts itself? Did the members of the court not have analytical minds to read and understand what was written by Mahmudabad? Was this not their job? Or was the court shying away from committing itself to a position? The SIT will operate under the shadow of the presumptions made by the court, which already lean against Mahmudabad. How can he possibly dispel such preconceived notions? Meanwhile, the fog around Mahmudabad thickens. Details of his family background, devout Muslim identity, ancestral ties to Pakistan and foreign travels are being investigated by the police. These factors will now serve as the context in which his posts are to be read and interpreted. The media are busy demonising Mahmudabad. Soon, his actual words will vanish into the dense fog of propaganda, replaced by the image of a devious, cunning, scheming Muslim etched into the collective Hindu imagination. Mahmudabad has appeared before the SIT. Meanwhile, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of the BJP, has announced plans for a public demonstration against him. It is asking Ashoka University to sack him because he has written 'antinational posts'. The mouth organ of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the parent body of the ruling BJP and ABVP, has also joined the chorus asking for action against Mahmudabad. We see the same playbook unfolding – the one used to vilify scholars like Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam, turning them into enemy figures within the BJP ecosystem with the help of the media, police and judiciary. One can only hope that the police officers remain steadfast, unaffected by judicial remarks or shrill propaganda and read Mahmudabad's plain lines with constitutional eyes. His words – crafted by a Muslim mind – call for empathy, understanding, justice, equality and dignity. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.
Yahoo
10-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Congressman Jim McGovern's Daughter 'Died Suddenly' at 23
Molly McGovern, the 23-year-old daughter of Massachusetts Congressman Jim McGovern, died suddenly on April 23 while vacationing with friends in Assisi, Italy. According to The Boston Globe, Molly had been dining with friends when she became nauseous, and within minutes, she was gone. Her death came as a devastating shock to family, friends, and those who knew her as a bright, passionate student with a global vision. A political science and international affairs student at Northeastern University, Molly had already left a mark on Capitol Hill and beyond. Molly was remembered during her May 3 funeral at St. Bernard's Church in Worcester, Massachusetts, not just as a congressman's daughter, but as a compassionate and curious young woman who lived fully despite being diagnosed with a rare cancer at 18. 'She had a great 23 years, but who would have thought the last five years would be the best,' her mother, Lisa McGovern, said in her emotional eulogy. 'There were little miracles everywhere.' Molly's life was filled with travel and meaningful connections. She had explored far-flung places like Tasmania and Rome, and she had formed bonds with political figures including Nancy Pelosi and her family. On the day of her death, Molly had been texting with Pelosi, discussing the former speaker's upcoming trip to Italy for Pope Francis's funeral. As a child, Molly once told a priest she wanted to become a cardinal. She immediately questioned why women couldn't become cardinals. That sharp mix of ambition and challenging the status quo defined much of her outlook. 'She wore a St. Francis medallion every day,' Lisa shared. That necklace, a symbol of peace and service, now echoes her daughter's spirit—a life cut short, but lived meaningfully.
The National
09-05-2025
- Politics
- The National
A self-assured UAE is playing a balancing role in a dynamic world
Dr Abdulkhaleq Abdulla is a UAE-based retired professor of political science. He is currently a non-resident senior fellow at Harvard University
