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CNN
4 hours ago
- Politics
- CNN
As democracy in Georgia collapses, Russia, China and Iran see an opening
A decade ago, Georgia was the poster child of post-Soviet countries on their way to democracy and freedom. The government was taking steps to fight corruption. Civil society was blossoming. The economy was growing. American businesses were investing. In 2004, even though it was not a member of NATO, Georgia sent its soldiers to Afghanistan to join the United States and other members of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), becoming the largest non-NATO contributor to the operation. In 2005, US President George W. Bush visited the capital, Tbilisi, and the highway leading to the airport was renamed 'George W. Bush Street.' That street sign is still there, but today, democracy in Georgia, a small but strategically located nation of 3.7 million people, is collapsing. On Capitol Hill, in a bipartisan effort, Republicans and Democrats are pushing for passage of the Megobari Act. In the Georgian language, 'megobari' means friend, and its sponsors say it aims to bolster democratic practices, human rights, and the rule of law in Georgia. It would impose US sanctions, visa bans and asset freezes on officials judged to be responsible for election fraud, corruption and political repression. But, the American lawmakers warn, Georgia is quickly slipping under the influence of Russia, China and Iran. Last December, the US imposed sanctions on Georgia's shadow ruler, Bidzina Ivanishvili, a billionaire who made his fortune in Russia in the 1990s. The party he founded, named Georgian Dream, controls all branches of government. Almost all political opposition leaders are in jail; according to human rights groups, about 60 political prisoners languish in prison. Many now wear masks, trying to avoid being identified by what anti-corruption groups say are increasing numbers of Chinese-made facial recognition cameras installed by the government. Violators of what rights group Amnesty International says is repressive new legislation to crack down on dissent can be fined up to the equivalent of $2,000. A spokesperson for Georgian Dream had no comment for CNN on the issue of Chinese-made cameras being used for surveillance. Protesters have been violently arrested and tortured, according to Transparency International, one of the anti-corruption groups. The US last year imposed sanctions on Georgia's then-Minister of Internal Affairs, Vakhtang Gomelauri, for 'brutal and violent crackdowns on members of the media, opposition, and protesters.' The protests were mainly peaceful, Levan Makhashvili, a member of the Georgian Dream party and the chairman of the Georgian Parliament's European Integration Committee, told CNN on Tuesday. He claimed, however, that there were some violent protesters and said they should be prosecuted. 'There is a law: if you challenge state institutions, if you challenge the country, well, then you have to be ready for the liability,' he said. 'If you storm the US Capitol you get liability, if you storm any parliament in the European Union you get liability. It's normal.' Georgia held parliamentary elections last October which international election observers declared neither free nor fair. The opposition decided to boycott the new parliament and, with no one to stop the Georgian Dream legislators, they railroaded through what observers say are a series of draconian, Russian-style laws that have deeply polarized Georgian society and strained ties with key Western allies. The European Parliament last week adopted a report that said the rigged elections had 'marked a clear turning point towards an authoritarian government in the EU candidate country,' a news release said, and called for new elections and a return to the path of democratic reform. China's influence in Georgia is growing as well. Last year, the government cancelled a contract with a Georgian, US and European consortium to construct the Anaklia deep-sea port on the Black Sea. Instead, it gave the contract to Chinese state-affiliated companies, some of which are under US sanctions. The Georgian Dream also is finding friends in Iran. In May last year, Georgia's then newly appointed Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze flew to Tehran to attend the funeral of Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi, joining the leaders of Hamas and Hezbollah for the funeral procession. In July, he returned for the inauguration of Iran's new president. Trade between Iran and Georgia is burgeoning, primarily due to the latter country's imports of Iranian oil and petroleum products. An investigation by a Georgia-based NGO, Civic IDEA, reports that, 'as diplomatic ties between the Georgian Dream government and Iran have grown closer, several Georgian-registered companies have emerged with direct links to Iran's Ministry of Defense and the Armed Forces Logistics Agency.' The investigation concludes that 'Iranian businessmen are using Georgia as a strategic transit point to evade international sanctions and channel funds back to the Islamic Republic of Iran.' Georgia's once-strong relationship with the United States is disintegrating. The outgoing US Ambassador to Tbilisi, Robin Dunnigan, decries what she describes as the government's 'anti-American rhetoric.' In an interview with RFE/RL she said Georgian Dream leaders had sent a private letter to the Trump administration that was 'threatening, insulting, unserious, and was received extremely poorly in Washington.' Makhashvili, of the Georgian Dream, blames the deterioration on the Biden administration. 'We were very surprised by the former ambassador's statement,' he told CNN. 'We had a feeling that many people simply don't want these ties to be reinvigorated, and they are trying to install as many blockades or hindering factors as possible.' Georgia is 'more than ready to cooperate' with the Trump administration, he insists, and has made it 'explicitly clear' that it wants 'to reinvigorate these ties with the United States' new administration – be it trade, economy, transportation, logistics, all sorts of areas where the United States is interested, especially in this part of the world.' In spite of their government's increasing alignment with Russia, the Georgian people overwhelmingly support integration with the West. The Georgian Constitution includes a mandate to pursue full integration with the European Union and NATO. In November 2024, however, the Georgian Dream-controlled government, while insisting it still intends to move forward on EU accession, suspended its efforts, a decision that the US State Department warned would make Georgia 'more vulnerable to the Kremlin.' Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 provided the Georgian Dream with a powerful but paranoid message: that the West is trying to drag Georgia into the war. The anti-war message has resonance with many Georgians: Georgia itself was invaded by Russia in 2008 and Russia still occupies two regions comprising about 20% of the country's internationally recognized territory. Ivanishvili and his Georgian Dream party have sharpened that allegation, claiming, without evidence, that what they call the 'global war party' or 'deep state' is trying to incite revolution in Georgia. The Megobari Act, with the stated aim of countering the influence of China, Iran and Russia in Georgia, is sponsored in the US House of Representatives by Joe Wilson, a Republican from South Carolina, and in the Senate by Jeanne Shaheen, a New Hampshire Democrat. The bill has passed in the House and has been introduced in the Senate. If it passes in the Senate, it goes back to the House if amendments have been made, then to President Donald Trump for his signature. Its supporters are urging quick passage. 'The Georgian people have made clear their Euro-Atlantic aspirations, and the U.S. must continue to support them against Georgian Dream efforts to erode their democratic institutions,' said Shaheen, in an interview with CNN. 'At a time when Russia seeks to undermine democracies across the region, we cannot turn our backs on a key partner striving for a free and democratic future.' Georgians themselves say the bill could be a powerful weapon to pull Georgia back from the brink. 'When sanctions don't just signal – but sting – oligarchs notice,' said Zviad Adzinbaia, doctoral fellow at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, 'and in this case, they're sweating.' Makhashvili brushed off any possible threat from the Megobari Act, but acknowledged concern 'that of course this act is a kind of symbol that we have several voices in the United States Congress who, for whatever reason, are not interested in normal ties with Georgia.' Other Georgians warn that members of the opposition, under severe threat from the government, are still divided by disparate views of how to fight back. The current debate centers on whether opposition parties should participate in nationwide municipal elections due to be held in October. Ia Meurmishvili, editor-in-chief of the international journalism initiative, Independence Avenue Media, told CNN: 'Elections are the foundation of all democracies and the only legitimate way to change governments. If Georgia's opposition chooses to boycott the vote, it risks sending a confusing signal to international democratic supporters – who may struggle to understand why a key democratic mechanism is being abandoned.' Giorgi Gakharia, a former prime minister of Georgia and a leader of the opposition party For Georgia, is in the crosshairs of the Georgian Dream party. Authorities have charged him with treason, which most Western observers describe as a politically motivated offensive. He is facing up to 15 to 20 years in prison and is currently located outside of Georgia. His party says upcoming municipal elections in October 'may well be the last democratic battleground to halt Georgia's slide into authoritarianism.' He told CNN: 'While the Megobari Act offers hope for strengthened Western engagement, international pressure alone cannot reverse Georgia's current trajectory. The regime is aggressively working to eliminate all credible alternatives, but I am convinced that Georgian society has the determination and courage to resist, and to reclaim our rightful place in Europe, so long as the world remains engaged and vigilant.'
Indian Express
4 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Why is Russia afraid of crime fiction novelist Boris Akunin?
The story goes that Erast Fandorin, the fictional sleuth at the heart of Russian writer Grigory Chkhartishvili's fame, was both an act of defiance and an impulse of love. In the Russia of the 1990s, still wrestling with its post-Soviet identity, crime fiction was considered lowbrow, a guilty pleasure best concealed beneath brown-paper covers. Chkhartishvili 's wife, a devoted reader of detective novels, felt self-conscious reading them in public. But the world was shifting. The Soviet Union had broken up in 1991 at the end of a long-drawn Cold War, and Chkhartishvili set out to write the kind of book that wouldn't need to be hidden in public. In 1998, under the pseudonym Boris Akunin, which loosely translates to 'great villain' in Japanese, he published The Winter Queen, featuring the dapper Fandorin. Part homage to golden-age mystery fiction, part historical tableau, it soon became a cult classic in Russia. Over a dozen Fandorin novels followed, making Akunin one of Russia's most widely read and celebrated contemporary authors. Another act of defiance and love, and of anxiety — about the authoritarian shift in his country — would shape the second chapter of his life, transforming him into a public intellectual who spoke up over and over again on Russia's military excesses and the failures of President Vladimir Putin's leadership. This week, as a Russian military court sentenced the writer to 14 years in prison in absentia for his opposition to the Russia-Ukraine war and his purported support for Ukraine, it marked yet another grim milestone in the Kremlin's escalating war on dissent. From scholar to dissident Born in Soviet Georgia in 1956, Akunin moved to Moscow soon after. He first came to attention as a literary translator, particularly of the works of Japanese greats such as Yukio Mishima. But it would be through his Fandorin novels that he would find his fullest voice. Set in imperial Russia at the turn of the 20th century, the series distilled the virtues of independent inquiry, scepticism of authority, and moral integrity. In chasing conspiracies and assassins, Fandorin seemed ever alert to the danger of centralised power — a subtle foreshadowing of Akunin's stance towards the rise and rise of Putin. Over time, Akunin became a literary shapeshifter, writing essays, speculative fiction, and novels under various names — Anatoly Brusnikin, Anna Borisova, and Akunin-Chkhartishvili, among others. Each voice, each form, added to his stature not just as a writer, but as a chronicler of Russian history. His journey into dissent began with Russia's attack on Georgia in 2008 and its annexation of Crimea in 2014. He was among the first of Russia's cultural elites to condemn these acts. In between these two events, Akunin moved to Europe, living between France and Spain, when he was not in Moscow. A writer's resolve Around the same time that the fictional Fandorin was making his way in the world, another Russian leader was charting his ascent. After years with the KGB, Putin had begun his political career in 1991. When president Boris Yeltsin resigned in December 1999, he would move to centre stage. In 2000, Putin became president, followed by a second term in 2004. Due to Russia's constitutional limitations, he would serve as prime minister under Dmitry Medvedev afterwards, running for a third term in 2011. In December 2011, when mass protests erupted in Russia after an election marred by allegations of fraud and intimidation, Akunin returned to Moscow and joined the people's movement. As he helped organise rallies and challenged rising nationalist figures, the novelist became a rallying force, lending the anti-Kremlin street protests both moral clarity and intellectual heft. In an act of symbolic defiance in 2012, he proposed a citizens' walk through Moscow, visiting statues of poets. Over 10,000 people joined him spontaneously. Within weeks, the Kremlin passed laws imposing staggering fines on unsanctioned gatherings. But by then, something irreversible had taken root. Akunin had stepped out of fiction and into history — not as a politician, but as a witness determined to measure what remained of Russia's civic soul. He refused to enter politics full time, asserting that his role as a writer gave him greater access to the Russian diaspora across the world. In a 2012 interview to The New York Times, Akunin said, 'Some of us are like a volunteer fire brigade, but that doesn't mean we want to become professional firefighters.' Kremlin crackdown In Akunin, the Kremlin encountered a rare figure who combines enormous cultural popularity with unflinching political critique. His public denunciations of Putin, amplified through essays and social media, have made him a symbol of resistance. Since 2014, Akunin has been on a self-imposed exile in the UK. In 2022, when the Russian invasion of Ukraine began, Akunin condemned it on social media, calling Putin 'a psychologically deranged dictator'. The state's retribution was swift. Last year, Akunin was added to Russia's register of 'terrorists and extremists', after he was designated a 'foreign agent' in 2023. He was accused of disseminating 'false information aimed at creating a negative image' of Russia and helping raise funds to support the Ukrainian military. Even though sentences in absentia come into effect if the defendant is extradited to Russia, the 'foreign agent' designation, much like the Soviet-era appellate 'enemies of the people', compels the accused to explicitly identify themselves in social-media posts and other public communications. It also imposes onerous financial reporting obligations. The publication and sale of Akunin's books have been restrained in Russia; plays based on his work pulled from theatres. Akunin had spoken of the implications of the censorship at the time: 'A seemingly minor event, the banning of books, the declaration of some writer as a terrorist, is actually an important milestone… Books have not been banned in Russia since Soviet times. Writers have not been accused of terrorism since the Great Terror. This is not a bad dream, this is happening to Russia in reality'.
Yahoo
21 hours ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Ukrainian PM Shmyhal submits resignation day after replacement named
Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal on Tuesday handed in his resignation after more than five years in office. President Volodymyr Zelensky announced on Monday that he was proposing Shmyhal's deputy, Yulia Svyrydenko, to lead a new government. "I thank our defenders, who are holding the line and protecting Ukraine," Shmyhal said in a post on Telegram announcing his resignation. He also thanked Zelensky for his "trust" and his team for their "tireless work." Shmyhal is set to replace Rustem Umyerov as defence minister, with the latter due to take over as ambassador to Washington. The 49-year-old Shmyhal had served as prime minister since March 2020, well before the Russian full-scale invasion in February 2022. He was the longest-serving prime minister in Ukraine's post-Soviet history. The reasons for the reshuffle have not been announced. Under Ukraine's constitution, his replacement must be formally nominated by parliament. Ukraine extends martial law Also on Tuesday, Ukraine's parliament voted to extend martial law and general mobilization for another 90 days, continuing wartime measures as the country fights off Russia. According to lawmaker Yaroslav Zhelezniak, 320 members of parliament supported the extension with just one vote against. The measure will take effect on August 7 and remain in place until November 5, he wrote on Telegram. Ukrainian media noted that this marks the 16th extension of martial law since it was first introduced in February 2022, following Russia's invasion. The most recent renewal was approved in mid-April. Under martial law, both presidential and parliamentary elections remain suspended. Military-age men between 18 and 60 are also barred from leaving the country, except under exceptional circumstances. Drone debris leaves 16 injured in Russia's Voronezh Earlier, Russian authorities said at least 16 people were injured by falling drone debris in the western city of Voronezh. Governor Alexander Gusev said most of the cases involved cuts and shrapnel wounds. "But there are also injuries of a different nature and serious cases," he added in a post on Telegram. "One man is in a coma, another has a lung injury." Several flats in apartment buildings in the city centre were hit, as well as single-family homes in a suburb. The Russian Defence Ministry reported the downing of a total of 55 Ukrainian drones over Russian territory. Most were intercepted over the border region of Belgorod, while 12 drones were hit over the Voronezh region. Kiev is launching drones deep into the Russian interior in a bid to turn the tide on Moscow. But the extent of the damage and the number of victims reported are far lower than the destruction caused by Russian attacks in Ukraine.
The Sun
2 days ago
- Business
- The Sun
Trump-Putin bromance cools as Ukraine war tensions rise
WASHINGTON: The once-warm relationship between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin has hit a rocky patch, with the former US president openly criticising his Russian counterpart over continued attacks on Ukraine. Trump, who previously praised Putin as a 'strong leader,' now admits frustration, saying their diplomatic talks seem to have little impact. Trump announced new measures targeting Russia, including threats of 100% tariffs on countries purchasing Russian goods if Moscow fails to comply within 50 days. However, he stopped short of endorsing even harsher sanctions proposed in Congress. The shift comes after months of failed attempts by Trump to bring Putin to the negotiating table. 'I don't want to say he's an assassin, but he's a tough guy,' Trump remarked, acknowledging Putin's unyielding stance. Despite this, Trump maintains that the Ukraine invasion was ultimately Joe Biden's fault, not his own. Experts suggest Putin may have underestimated Trump's resolve. Senator Lindsey Graham noted, 'One of the biggest miscalculations Putin has made is to play Trump.' Meanwhile, analysts like Heather Conley argue that Putin remains committed to his long-term strategy, betting on Ukraine and Western support weakening over time. The Kremlin appears unfazed, continuing its military advances with support from North Korea. Putin's refusal to compromise reflects his broader rejection of Ukraine's sovereignty, a stance deeply rooted in his view of post-Soviet history. While Trump's tariff threats signal a tougher approach, observers question whether this marks a lasting rift or just another twist in their complicated relationship. As retired US Rear Admiral Mark Montgomery put it, 'I don't think this stops until Putin feels either weapons system pain or economic pain that he cannot sustain.' - AFP
DW
5 days ago
- Politics
- DW
Russia's election watchdog and voter rights group disbands – DW – 07/11/2025
Golos spent 25 years campaigning for voters' rights and monitoring elections in Russia. As pressure from authorities mounts, the watchdog is shutting down. The Russian independent election monitoring group Golos (Voice) has announced that it is ceasing operations 25 years after its inception. In a statement published on its website, the organization said it had been forced to take this step amid mounting pressure from Russian authorities and Golos members, who face increasing danger. Golos describes itself as an "all-Russian social movement for the defense of voters' rights." Its statement said the group's disbanding was linked to the sentencing of Golos co-chair Grigory Melkonyants to five years in prison by a Moscow court in May. The court found Melkonyants guilty of cooperating with the European Network of Election Monitoring Organizations (ENEMO), a foreign NGO blacklisted as "undesirable" in Russia. The statement says "the court equates Golos with ENEMO, despite the fact that ENEMO has never observed elections or conducted any activity in Russia." The watchdog fears that charges similar to those brought against Melkonyants could also be made against other Golos members, or those who have sought advice or legal assistance from the group. Golos insists that it has no connection to ENEMO and says the prosecution of Melkonyants is politically motivated and intended to silence election observers in Russia. Golos was founded in 2000 and was among the first independent initiatives in post-Soviet Russia to focus on election monitoring. Inspired by the upheavals of the 1990s, Lilia Shibanova took charge of the organization and was soon joined by other human rights activists and lawyers, including Grigory Melkonyants. From the outset, Golos observed growing state support for the ruling party, particularly after United Russia was founded in 2001. It also documented restrictions on independent election monitors starting in 2004. Golos made use of new digital tools to record violations and analyze election fraud while also developing services and platforms to increase election transparency. This included an interactive website mapping violations across Russia, allowing election observers and voters to post messages. Golos gained Russia-wide recognition amid the 2011 anti-fraud protests in the context of the State Duma election, and as a driver of the "Vote Against Crooks and Thieves" campaign initiated by opposition leader Alexei Navalny. Golos came under state scrutiny after Russia passed its "foreign agents" law in 2012. Just one year later, Russia blacklisted the organization as a "foreign agent" because of an award it was to receive from the Norwegian Helsinki Committee — an award that Golos ultimately declined. Russian authorities repeatedly searched the Golos offices, confiscating computers and threatening the organization's workers across the country. Because Golos members were listed as "foreign agents," they were banned from participating in elections. The organization remained on the "foreign agents" list although it received no financial support from abroad. In 2016, Golos was dissolved at the request of the Justice Ministry, but the group continued operating as an unregistered association. In 2021, Golos was again classified as a "foreign agent" and placed on a list of unregistered social associations. Even so, Golos continued coordinating the work of election observers, most recently during the 2024 presidential vote. Security forces, however, persecuted numerous Golos members, including Shibanova, Roman Udot, Melkonyants and Artem Vashenkov. All except Melkonyants eventually went into exile. The end of Golos deals "a very hard blow against independent civil society, fundamental rights in Russia and free elections in Russia," said Stefanie Schiffer, who chairs the European Platform for Democratic Elections (EPDE). Schiffer said the public still wanted independent election monitors to operate within Russia. There is a "deeply rooted and entirely justified" need for people to "manage their own affairs," Schiffer said. And now election monitoring will no longer exist in Russia in its current form. "The closure of Golos is very sad news," the journalist-turned-politician Yekaterina Duntsova, who wanted to run for the presidency in 2024 but was barred from doing so, told DW. "It is one of the few organizations that consistently advocated for civil election monitoring." Golos established a culture of election monitoring in Russia, said Duntsova, who is confident that the group's experience and insights will be passed on to a future election-monitoring movement. "As far as elections are concerned, the situation in Russia is difficult," she said. "As soon as it changes, there will be new initiatives." Udot, the former Golos co-chair, told DW. that election observers had continued to work in Russia, despite increasing repression, bans on rallies and shady election result reporting. "The organization of civil control will suffer," Udot said, "but the driving force will not disappear." Udot said he was confident that the legacy of Golos and its standards would live on and observers would be able to work in Russia again at some point. "Elections are held, and observers remain," he said. "It may sound strange, but we will be back." Ivan Shukshin, a former Golos member in the Krasnodar region of southern Russia who continues to monitor elections from abroad, told DW that the organization's disbanding will undermine connections within civil society and increase its fragmentation. "The regime has achieved its goal," Shukshin said. "Golos has been destroyed." He expects that only pseudo-opposition parties permitted to participate in elections by Russian authorities will monitor polls. "There will no longer be a coordination center, but the work on the ground will continue, municipal candidates will be assisted, and monitoring will continue, albeit without a common platform," Shukshin said. He doubts that a new organization like Golos can emerge in the current conditions. "There will be no nationwide structure, and, as long as there is no regime change, nothing of the sort will emerge, though there will be individual initiatives," Shukshin said, who continues to analyze Russia elections from abroad. "This is my country. Even if things keep getting worse, we have to keep an eye on everything. So that there is no vacuum." .
