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Associated Press
3 days ago
- Business
- Associated Press
Sancrox Political Advisory: Voters rally around Oyun-Erdene ahead of vote of no confidence
LONDON, June 1, 2025 /PRNewswire/ -- On the eve of Mongolia's first-ever parliamentary vote of confidence in a sitting prime minister, new polling shows that voters overwhelmingly back Prime Minister L. Oyun-Erdene and reject any shift toward a presidential system. The nationally representative poll, conducted by Sancrox Political Advisory from 28 to 30 May 2025, shows that 63% of Mongolian adults want the Prime Minister to 'stay on and implement the National Wealth Fund,' compared to 31% who do not and 6% who are undecided. It also finds that 53% of voters believe MPs should support the Prime Minister and his government in the confidence vote, versus 37% who think MPs should vote 'no confidence' and 10% who cannot say. Additional findings include: These figures demonstrate that, as the vote of confidence approaches, public opinion remains in favor of continuity under Prime Minister Oyun-Erdene's coalition. Voters not only support his economic agenda - most notably the National Wealth Fund - but also oppose expansion of presidential powers. Sancrox Political Advisory is a leading international polling and strategy firm, providing political insight and public opinion research across the globe. Findings Representative poll of n = 1,140 Mongolian adults. Fieldwork conducted 28–30 May 2025. Photo - Photo - Photo - Photo - Photo - Photo - View original content to download multimedia: SOURCE Sancrox Political Advisory
CTV News
22-05-2025
- Politics
- CTV News
Most Canadians feel attached to their home, though only half trust governments: poll
A person waves a small Canadian flag during a protest against U.S. President Donald Trump in Vancouver on Tuesday, March 4, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ethan Cairns OTTAWA — Most Canadians feel attached to their country, province and municipality but only about half of them trust their governments, a new poll suggests. The Leger survey, which polled 1,537 Canadians between May 16 and 18, suggests that 82 per cent of Canadians feel attached to their country. Because the poll was conducted online, it can't be assigned a margin of error. The poll suggests that 46 per cent of Canadians feel 'very attached' to Canada, while another 36 per cent feel 'somewhat attached.' Twelve per cent feel 'not very attached.' Only four per cent said they're 'not at all attached' to Canada. A similar percentage of those polled — 80 per cent — said they feel attached to their province. While 42 per cent said they feel 'very attached,' 38 per cent said they're 'somewhat attached' and 14 per cent are 'not very attached.' Seventy-one per cent of Canadians feel attached to their town or city, the poll suggests. While 26 per cent said they feel 'very attached,' 45 per cent said they feel 'somewhat attached' and 21 per cent said they feel 'not very attached.' Albertan respondents recorded the lowest percentages expressing an emotional attachment to their home, with 70 per cent citing attachment to Canada, 73 per cent to their province and 64 per cent to their municipality. Conversely, among Ontarians, 86 per cent cited an attachment to Canada, 80 per cent to the province and 71 per cent to their municipality. Eighty per cent of Quebecers said they were attached to their country and province, while 70 per cent said they were attached to their municipality. The poll suggests that women are more likely than men to feel an attachment to their country, province and municipality, and older Canadians expressed more attachment than younger ones. Almost nine in 10 people at least 55 years old were attached to Canada or their province, compared with about three in four of those 18 to 34 years old. Liberal voters also were more likely to express attachment, with 93 per cent citing an attachment to Canada, 84 per cent to their province and 77 per cent to their country. Among Conservative voters surveyed, 75 per cent cited an attachment to Canada or their province. Andrew Enns, Leger's executive vice-president for Central Canada, told The Canadian Press that he wasn't surprised to see a high level of attachment to Canada given the ongoing trade war with the U.S., President Donald Trump's calls for annexation and the resulting 'spike' in patriotism. He said the generational divide could be caused by younger Canadians being 'let down' on issues that matter to them, like affordability. Enns added that there was a push among younger Canadians for 'change' and for the Conservatives in the recent election and their disappointment in the outcome may be reflected in this poll. Despite the high levels of attachment the poll reports, only about half of respondents said they trusted their governments. Albertans reported having the lowest levels of trust in all three levels of government, with about one-in-three trusting the federal government, compared with 60 per cent of those in Quebec, 53 per cent in British Columbia and 51 per cent in Ontario. The numbers didn't vary as much for trust in their municipal or provincial governments. Forty-one per cent of Albertans said they trust their municipal government, compared to 50 per cent of Ontarians, 51 per cent of people in B.C. and 56 per cent of Quebecers. Forty-three per cent of Albertans said they trust their provincial government, compared to 44 per cent of Ontarians, 45 per cent of Quebecers and 56 per cent of people in B.C. Trust in all levels of government was much higher among Liberals than among Conservatives. Among Liberals, 83 per cent said they trust the federal government, 64 per cent said they trust their municipal government and 55 per cent said they trust their provincial government. Twenty-one per cent of Conservatives said they trust their federal government, 40 per cent said they trust their municipal government and 41 per cent said they trust their provincial government. Enns said levels of trust in governments seem to have declined and that these numbers were lower than he expected. 'I think that the timing of asking the question has a bit of a bearing because it comes fairly close after a pretty hard-fought election campaign,' he said. 'It actually is a bit illustrative in terms of how the election sort of permeates out in affecting people's perspectives on different things.' Enns pointed out that Canada had a 'pretty unpopular' prime minister in 2023 and 2024. 'It just seemed to snowball into a federal government that even when they sort of were doing some of the right things, they didn't seem to get a lot of credit, and that too just erodes the general sort of public perception of the institution,' Enns said. Enns said the low trust levels indicate how much work Prime Minister Mark Carney has to do on 'rebuilding up some of the trust in the federal government.' The polling industry's professional body, the Canadian Research Insights Council, says online surveys cannot be assigned a margin of error because they do not randomly sample the population. This report by The Canadian Press was first published May 22, 2025. Catherine Morrison, The Canadian Press
CTV News
22-05-2025
- Politics
- CTV News
Most Canadians feel attached to their home, though only half trust governments: poll
A person waves a small Canadian flag during a protest against U.S. President Donald Trump in Vancouver on Tuesday, March 4, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ethan Cairns OTTAWA — Most Canadians feel attached to their country, province and municipality but only about half of them trust their governments, a new poll suggests. The Leger survey, which polled 1,537 Canadians between May 16 and 18, suggests that 82 per cent of Canadians feel attached to their country. Because the poll was conducted online, it can't be assigned a margin of error. The poll suggests that 46 per cent of Canadians feel 'very attached' to Canada, while another 36 per cent feel 'somewhat attached.' Twelve per cent feel 'not very attached.' Only four per cent said they're 'not at all attached' to Canada. A similar percentage of those polled — 80 per cent — said they feel attached to their province. While 42 per cent said they feel 'very attached,' 38 per cent said they're 'somewhat attached' and 14 per cent are 'not very attached.' Seventy-one per cent of Canadians feel attached to their town or city, the poll suggests. While 26 per cent said they feel 'very attached,' 45 per cent said they feel 'somewhat attached' and 21 per cent said they feel 'not very attached.' Albertan respondents recorded the lowest percentages expressing an emotional attachment to their home, with 70 per cent citing attachment to Canada, 73 per cent to their province and 64 per cent to their municipality. Conversely, among Ontarians, 86 per cent cited an attachment to Canada, 80 per cent to the province and 71 per cent to their municipality. Eighty per cent of Quebecers said they were attached to their country and province, while 70 per cent said they were attached to their municipality. The poll suggests that women are more likely than men to feel an attachment to their country, province and municipality, and older Canadians expressed more attachment than younger ones. Almost nine in 10 people at least 55 years old were attached to Canada or their province, compared with about three in four of those 18 to 34 years old. Liberal voters also were more likely to express attachment, with 93 per cent citing an attachment to Canada, 84 per cent to their province and 77 per cent to their country. Among Conservative voters surveyed, 75 per cent cited an attachment to Canada or their province. Andrew Enns, Leger's executive vice-president for Central Canada, told The Canadian Press that he wasn't surprised to see a high level of attachment to Canada given the ongoing trade war with the U.S., President Donald Trump's calls for annexation and the resulting 'spike' in patriotism. He said the generational divide could be caused by younger Canadians being 'let down' on issues that matter to them, like affordability. Enns added that there was a push among younger Canadians for 'change' and for the Conservatives in the recent election and their disappointment in the outcome may be reflected in this poll. Despite the high levels of attachment the poll reports, only about half of respondents said they trusted their governments. Albertans reported having the lowest levels of trust in all three levels of government, with about one-in-three trusting the federal government, compared with 60 per cent of those in Quebec, 53 per cent in British Columbia and 51 per cent in Ontario. The numbers didn't vary as much for trust in their municipal or provincial governments. Forty-one per cent of Albertans said they trust their municipal government, compared to 50 per cent of Ontarians, 51 per cent of people in B.C. and 56 per cent of Quebecers. Forty-three per cent of Albertans said they trust their provincial government, compared to 44 per cent of Ontarians, 45 per cent of Quebecers and 56 per cent of people in B.C. Trust in all levels of government was much higher among Liberals than among Conservatives. Among Liberals, 83 per cent said they trust the federal government, 64 per cent said they trust their municipal government and 55 per cent said they trust their provincial government. Twenty-one per cent of Conservatives said they trust their federal government, 40 per cent said they trust their municipal government and 41 per cent said they trust their provincial government. Enns said levels of trust in governments seem to have declined and that these numbers were lower than he expected. 'I think that the timing of asking the question has a bit of a bearing because it comes fairly close after a pretty hard-fought election campaign,' he said. 'It actually is a bit illustrative in terms of how the election sort of permeates out in affecting people's perspectives on different things.' Enns pointed out that Canada had a 'pretty unpopular' prime minister in 2023 and 2024. 'It just seemed to snowball into a federal government that even when they sort of were doing some of the right things, they didn't seem to get a lot of credit, and that too just erodes the general sort of public perception of the institution,' Enns said. Enns said the low trust levels indicate how much work Prime Minister Mark Carney has to do on 'rebuilding up some of the trust in the federal government.' The polling industry's professional body, the Canadian Research Insights Council, says online surveys cannot be assigned a margin of error because they do not randomly sample the population. This report by The Canadian Press was first published May 22, 2025. Catherine Morrison, The Canadian Press
The Guardian
21-05-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
The real story isn't young men supposedly voting far right. It's what young women are up to
'The boys are alt-right.' This seems to be the new consensus on far-right politics propagated in numerous articles and podcasts. But the media's obsessive focus on the young men allegedly fuelling the rise of the far right isn't just empirically flawed – it misses a much more significant shift in public opinion among young people. While many surveys show a large gender gap in support of far-right parties and policies, it is young women who stand out as the more politically interesting demographic, as they are turning in ever greater numbers towards the left. The idea that young people in general, and young men in particular, disproportionately support the far right has been around for a while. In a classic 2012 study, the German political scientist Kai Arzheimer characterised the 'typical' voter of far-right parties in Europe as 'male, young(ish), of moderate educational achievement and concerned about immigrants and immigration'. It is frequently used to explain the rise of Donald Trump, while in Europe there has been an explosion of articles claiming that young people, particularly young men, are 'driving far-right support'. But is the recent rise of Europe's far right truly due to the disproportionate support of young men? And are young people really becoming more rightwing? Levels of support for far-right parties among young people are indeed higher than ever before in many cases. But articles on this subject often fail to mention that far-right parties have increased their support overall, and that support among other age groups is at least as high. A study of the 2024 European elections even showed lower support for far-right parties among young voters (aged 16-29) than among older voters. More interestingly, while young men voted for far-right parties in similar numbers to older men, young women voted less for far-right parties than older women. Most research shows that young people – both women and men – hold more progressive values than previous generations. While there is a larger gender gap among young people, the main reason for this is not a rightwing turn among young men but a sharp leftwing turn among young women, as Gaby Hinsliff noted in a perceptive recent column for the Guardian. That the media chooses nevertheless to focus on young men illustrates the male gaze that continues to dominate society, which not only means that whatever men do or think is deemed inherently important and worthy of both academic and political attention, but also sets men as the norm. This ends up strengthening the far right's political prospects: given that men are the norm, what they supposedly do or think is deemed 'normal', which means that all politicians should come up with 'commonsense' policies to cater to them. To be clear, 'the boys' may not be not 'alt-right' but they are also not all right. Many studies have found that young men struggle in terms of education, mental health and work. And politically, research shows that while young men do not vote more for far-right parties than older men, they do consider voting for far-right parties in much larger numbers. Moreover, they are more susceptible to 'modern sexism' – denying that women continue to be discriminated against and rejecting demands for increased gender equality. Of course it is important to better understand these developments, particularly given the threat that the far right poses to liberal democracy. But this should not lead us to minimise or even ignore the more pronounced generational shift to the left. That young women are more supportive of abortion rights or feminism than young men and even older women should not be that surprising, given that these issues affect them more directly and personally. Yet they are also more concerned about the environment and more supportive of redistribution and a larger role for the state. Why is this? This is not just an academic question: it is a political opportunity. Centre-left parties have followed the male gaze into chasing an outdated interpretation of the 'working-class' voter (narrowly defined as white men with rightwing sociocultural views). This electoral strategy pushes politics further to the right. Moreover, as decades of academic research have shown, it serves mainly to help far-right parties while hurting centre-left parties, which end up losing (young, female) progressive voters and barely gaining the (male) reactionary voters they court. Focusing on the priorities and values of female voters (such as actions to fight the climate crisis and strengthen the welfare state), rather than pandering to the reactionary politics of the far right, would have two major advantages for progressive politics in general and for leftwing parties in particular. First, it would transform the political debate: we would talk more about combating the climate crisis, for instance, and spend less time demonising immigrants. Second, it gives young women a reason to come out and vote in larger numbers, which is significant, as 'young women abstain from voting more than young men do'. The opportunity is there for the taking. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF professor of international affairs at the University of Georgia, and author of The Far Right Today
Japan Times
19-05-2025
- Business
- Japan Times
Ishiba's support falls, but likely no ouster before July election
Support for Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's government has weakened, according to public opinion surveys published by major Japanese news organizations over the weekend, although it remains unlikely he'll be ousted before a national election in July. Polls published by the Yomiuri and Mainichi newspapers, as well as a survey from Kyodo News, showed support for Ishiba's Cabinet ranging from 22% to 31%, the lowest levels in each survey since Ishiba became national leader in October last year. High food prices, including the cost of rice, was a major factor in a 5.2 percentage point fall in the approval rating to 27.4% in the Kyodo survey. The same opinion poll also found that 74.3% of respondents said they were not expecting a positive outcome from Japan's talks with the United States over tariffs. The Yomiuri poll cited general disappointment in the prime minister's policies. Despite Ishiba's languishing ratings, there has been little talk within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party for his removal before an election for the Upper House of parliament in July. An Asahi newspaper poll offered a slight counterpoint to the other surveys, showing Ishiba's approval rate ticking up to 33% from 30%. However, the poll also showed continued voter dissatisfaction with Japan's 10% sales tax. Some 68% said that they'd like to vote for candidates and parties that seek cuts, with a third prioritizing reduced taxes on food. Ishiba has held on despite the LDP's crushing defeat in last year's Lower House election, primarily by appealing for support from minor opposition parties. Potential rivals within the LDP — particularly from its right wing — remain broadly sidelined in the wake of that electoral setback. Analysts view a challenge to Ishiba from within the LDP as more likely after the July election. "Ishiba's opponents on the right wing have utterly failed to organize an effort to push him out before the Upper House elections, and with each passing week it becomes increasingly unthinkable that the party can push Ishiba out without critically undermining its campaign,' Tobias Harris, founder of Japan Foresight, an advisory firm, wrote in a recent research note.
