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Russia Today
5 days ago
- Politics
- Russia Today
Russia is bringing missiles back. And this time, it's personal.
On August 4, the Russian Foreign Ministry announced that Moscow is abandoning its unilateral moratorium on the deployment of ground-based intermediate- and shorter-range missiles (INF-class). The decision comes amid what Russian officials describe as an ongoing expansion of US missile systems in Europe and the Indo-Pacific, including weapons once banned under the now-defunct INF Treaty. The US has begun placing such systems in key regions on a potentially permanent basis, undermining strategic stability and creating a direct threat to Russia's national security. Moscow is preparing military-technical countermeasures in response – and is now lifting all political constraints on the development and deployment of such systems. RT examines the situation through the lens of leading Russian military experts, who describe the move as long-anticipated, technically overdue, and strategically inevitable. Their assessments shed light on Moscow's doctrinal shift, future deployment options, and the broader geopolitical implications for Europe and the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. Moscow had shown restraint for several years after the US withdrew from the INF Treaty in 2019. Although legally freed from its obligations under the accord, Russia opted for a self-imposed moratorium, vowing not to deploy ground-based intermediate-range missiles unless similar US systems appeared near its borders. That condition, the Ministry statement asserts, no longer applies. 'Since 2023, we have observed instances of US systems capable of ground-launched INF strikes being transferred to the European NATO countries for trial use during exercises that clearly have an anti-Russian slant.' It also pointed to broader US and allied efforts to institutionalize deployments of such missile systems across multiple theaters. Specific examples included: The deployment of the Typhon missile launcher to the Philippines under the guise of drills, with the system remaining in place even after exercises concluded; Tests of the PrSM missile in Australia during 2025 exercises – with its future variants projected to exceed 1,000 km in range; The planned deployment of SM-6 interceptors in Germany by 2026, launched from the same Typhon system. Russia views these developments as 'destabilizing missile buildups' that threaten its national security 'at the strategic level.' The Foreign Ministry stated that Moscow will now undertake 'military-technical response measures', with the precise configuration to be determined by the Russian leadership based on inter-agency analysis and the evolving strategic environment. Officials also referenced an earlier warning issued in June 2025, when Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov said that Russia's moratorium was approaching its 'logical conclusion' in light of 'sensitive missile threats' being fielded by the West. While Russia's announcement marks a formal policy shift, experts argue that the conditions for abandoning the moratorium have been building for years – largely due to developments on the US side. According to military analyst Ilya Kramnik, a research fellow at the Center for Strategic Planning Studies at the Russian Academy of Sciences, the deployment of INF-class systems by the United States and its allies has made Russia's restraint functionally obsolete. 'In principle, Russia has long had reason to consider itself free from any INF-related constraints,' he notes. 'But this week's statement appears to be synchronized with the start of deliveries of the Oreshnik missile system to the armed forces.' The US began laying the groundwork for forward deployment of ground-based missiles as early as 2021, when it launched the formation of Multi-Domain Task Forces (MDTFs) – mobile army units designed to integrate long-range fires, precision strike, and battlefield networking. These units were to be equipped with Tomahawk cruise missiles using the Typhon launcher, a land-based containerized system derived from the naval Mk.41 vertical launch platform. 'The second such group, the 2nd MDTF, was formed in Germany,' Kramnik explains, 'with a clear orientation toward the European theater.' Meanwhile, the Typhon has been actively deployed in the Indo-Pacific, most notably to the Philippines, where it arrived during bilateral exercises but was not withdrawn. The US has also resumed tests of the PrSM missile in Australia – a platform that, in its future iterations, is expected to exceed a 1,000-km range, placing it well within INF classification. Plans for SM-6 missile deployment in Germany by 2026 – also via the Typhon system – further contributed to Russian concerns. Although originally designed as a naval interceptor, the SM-6 has evolved into a multi-role weapon with conventional strike capability. Taken together, these moves have prompted Russian officials to conclude that the United States is pursuing a strategy of 'sustained forward missile presence' across both Europe and Asia – effectively restoring the kind of reach that the INF Treaty once prohibited. 'The military-technical reality has changed,' says Kramnik. 'The political gesture now simply reflects that shift.' With the self-imposed moratorium now lifted, Russia is expected to move rapidly toward expanding its inventory of ground-based intermediate- and shorter-range missile systems. The focus, according to Russian defense experts, will be not only on production but on doctrinal adaptation and forward deployment. One of the central components of Russia's future arsenal is the Oreshnik system – a mobile platform widely viewed as the spiritual successor to the Soviet-era Pioneer (SS-20). The weapon was first publicly hinted at in 2023, and serial deliveries to Russian troops were reported to have begun in mid-2025. 'The moratorium's expiration was long overdue,' says Vasily Kashin, Director of the Center for Comprehensive European and International Studies at HSE University. 'The very first test of Oreshnik signaled that Russia was moving away from self-imposed limits. Now that move has been formalized – and it must be fully implemented.' Kashin notes that Soviet missile forces had previously considered positioning Pioneer-class systems in the northeast of the country, including near Anadyr in Chukotka – from where missiles could potentially reach deep into the US mainland, including San Francisco. Modern deployment patterns, however, are likely to prioritize northwestern and southern Russia, given their proximity to NATO territory. In addition to Oreshnik, experts expect land-based variants of the Kalibr and Tsirkon missile families to be introduced, along with new ballistic versions of the Iskander system. 'We will likely see a full spectrum of platforms: cruise, ballistic, and hypersonic,' says Dmitry Stefanovich, co-founder of the Watfor think tank. 'These systems are already being incorporated into various service branches – not just the Strategic Missile Forces, but also the Ground Forces and the Navy's coastal units.' Stefanovich adds that Belarus is a likely site for early deployments – and that newly formed missile brigades may emerge across all Russian military districts by the end of 2025. The lifting of Russia's moratorium revives a security dilemma once thought relegated to Cold War history – the deployment of nuclear-capable intermediate-range missiles on the European continent. 'The current trajectory evokes the Euro-missile crisis of the Cold War,' says Sergey Oznobishchev, Director of the Institute for Strategic Assessments. 'Back then, it took years of confrontation before the sides finally reached the INF Treaty. We may see a similar pattern again.' US allies are not merely accepting new deployments – some are actively seeking them. Alongside US systems, European initiatives such as the ELSA program and missile developments in South Korea and Japan are reshaping regional balances. 'This is no longer just a bilateral arms race,' Stefanovich notes. 'We are witnessing a multinational acceleration – with several countries now embracing systems that were once considered too destabilizing.' While primarily strategic in nature, intermediate-range missiles may also play a role on the battlefield – particularly in Ukraine, experts suggest. 'We are likely to see more 'combat testing' of such missile systems as part of the special military operation,' Stefanovich says. 'Their ability to strike deep, fast, and precisely makes them valuable against air defenses and critical infrastructure.' He predicts that Russia will form new multi-role missile formations, including equivalents of the American MDTF, capable of integrating strike systems, air defense, and electronic warfare across all branches – including VDV and Aerospace Forces. 'We are at the beginning of a multi-directional arms race,' says Stefanovich. 'This is a missile renaissance, driven not by ambition but by necessity.' Although some experts – including Oznobishchev – suggest that a new arms control regime may eventually emerge, the current consensus is clear: restraint has ended, and military-technical competition is accelerating. 'The global trajectory is clear,' Stefanovich concludes. 'Deterrence is back – and it's being redefined.'
Malay Mail
03-08-2025
- Business
- Malay Mail
Trump's visit to the East Asia Summit must anchor a new strategic stability with Asean — Phar Kim Beng
AUGUST 3 — President Donald Trump's expected appearance at the East Asia Summit (EAS) should not be misread as a mere diplomatic formality or ceremonial visit. It should be welcomed for what it could become: a turning point in US-Asean relations that restores a degree of strategic stability between Washington, Beijing, and the eleven member states of Asean. At a time when the region stands delicately between escalating rivalry and renewed economic convergence, Trump's personal participation — after years of inconsistent US attendance at high-level Asean meetings — signals a potential inflection. This year's summit carries additional weight. It coincides with Asean's historic expansion to include Timor-Leste, the first new member in over two decades. The inclusion of Timor-Leste symbolizes Asean's enduring appeal and the bloc's ability to renew itself from within. It also strengthens Asean's moral and geopolitical identity as a community committed to democratic values, regional inclusivity, and strategic neutrality. The United States should view this enlargement as an opening to further anchor its presence — economically, diplomatically, and institutionally — in a wider South-east Asia that now stretches from the Mekong to the eastern edge of the archipelagic Pacific. Contrary to the binary framing of US-China competition, the East Asia Summit represents a rare multilateral setting where both great powers meet under Asean's chairmanship and agenda-setting authority. This alone is a feature — not a flaw — of Asean centrality. If President Trump recognizes the value of this platform, and builds upon it, the EAS could serve as a channel for managed competition and economic complementarity rather than open hostility. More significantly, Trump's visit coincides with an encouraging trend: the reduction of tariffs between the US and several Asean member states, effective August 1. Malaysia, for instance, now benefits from a lowered tariff of 19 per cent on select categories of exports. While these cuts are modest in scope, they offer a vital foundation upon which the US can pivot from protectionist reflexes toward strategic economic engagement. If extended across multiple sectors and scaled throughout South-east Asia, these adjustments can recalibrate America's economic presence in the region — especially when paired with Asean's long-term focus on industrial upgrading and regional integration. This moment must be seized. Asean is no longer merely a low-cost assembly zone. It is home to ambitious national frameworks such as Malaysia's National Semiconductor Strategy (NSS), Indonesia's downstream resource policies and Vietnam's digital economy transformation. All of which can sour the Asean Digital Economic Framework (DEFA) too. These initiatives aim to lift Asean into the higher rungs of global value chains. The United States — long seeking to reduce overdependence on China — can find in Asean the next frontier of secure, rules-based economic partnerships. But any trade recalibration must be anchored by political assurance. The US-Asean Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, elevated in recent years, still requires substantive backing. This is where President Trump's engagement becomes pivotal. He must not only reassure the region of America's long-term presence but also avoid zero-sum demands that force Asean into hard alignments. Asean's strategic doctrine is one of balance, not bandwagoning. Its preference is for multipolar cooperation, not bipolar confrontation. President Donald Trump's expected appearance at the East Asia Summit (EAS) should not be misread as a mere diplomatic formality or ceremonial visit. — AFP pic In this context, Trump would do well to understand the nuanced achievements of the recent Asean-GCC Summit, further expanded with China's participation in the Asean-GCC-China Summit. These gatherings were more than diplomatic rituals; they were civilisational overtures and dynamic dialogues too. They reflected Asean's growing ambition to serve as a connector — not just of markets, but of worldviews. Malaysia's leadership of Asean in 2025 has affirmed this ethos, with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim offering a values-based diplomacy that draws on dialogue and defensive diplomacy. Trump's visit should reinforce, not disrupt, this strategic arc. It is not enough to deploy aircraft carriers or frame South-east Asia through a military lens. The region requires a US presence that is economically enabling, diplomatically respectful, and civilisationally attuned. Tariff reductions are a step in the right direction. A comprehensive US-Asean trade framework would be a leap forward. Beyond trade, Washington must also recognise Asean's role in conflict management and peace-making. Malaysia's recent mediation in the Cambodia-Thailand border crisis is a case in point. Asean's diplomatic bandwidth is growing, and the US can support — not override — this capacity by funding Track II dialogues, technology transfer in humanitarian response, and confidence-building among rival claimants in the East and South China Sea. In conclusion, President Trump's presence at the East Asia Summit must be more than symbolic. It must be strategic. His administration should embrace the summit as a platform to reset economic ties, stabilize regional diplomacy, and affirm Asean's agency. The future of East Asia will not be shaped by bilateral muscle-flexing alone, but by the kind of multilateral sensibility that the EAS — anchored by Asean — has nurtured for nearly two decades. If the US is serious about restoring its relevance in South-east Asia, then the EAS must be the starting point; although a swifter concern with the starvation of Gaza. This issue is no less critical as more and more member states of European Union has recognised Palestine as a separate state. In order to justifiably pressure Israel into allowing more humanitarian aid to go into the war-stricken death zone. At any rate, tariff diplomacy, coupled with high-level trust-building, must form the substance of America's return to East Asia if all things fail to make any progress. *Phar Kim Beng PhD is Professor of Asean Studies, International Islamic University of Malaysia and Director of Institute of Internationalisation and Asean Studies (IINTAS). **This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
Daily Mail
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Daily Mail
North Korea warns US 'Golden Dome' risks nuclear war in space
North Korea has warned that a nuclear war could erupt in space, as it joined Russia and China in condemning US President Donald Trump's futuristic vision of a 'Golden Dome' missile defense system. The $175billion (£129billion) project, proposed by Trump and inspired by Israel's Iron Dome system, is aimed at blocking threats from adversaries like China and Russia. But Pyongyang's foreign ministry said Trump's plan risks turning 'outer space into a potential nuclear war field' and called it 'the height of self-righteousness [and] arrogance.' It accused the US of being 'hell-bent... to militarize outer space' and starkly warned that the program could spark a 'a global nuclear and space arms race.' Earlier today, Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said that Trump's project undermines the foundations of strategic stability as it involves the creation of a global missile defense system. And last week, Beijing said it was 'seriously concerned' about the Golden Dome, which it said has 'strong offensive implications'. China's foreign ministry said: 'The United States, in pursuing a "US-first" policy, is obsessed with seeking absolute security for itself. 'This violates the principle that the security of all countries should not be compromised and undermines global strategic balance and stability.' Hong Min, a senior analyst at the Korea Institute for National Unification, told AFP that Kim Jong Un likely sees Trump's Golden Dome as a threat that can "significantly weaken" its nuclear arsenal. 'If the US completes its new missile defense program, the North will be forced to develop alternative means to counter or penetrate it,' he said. In April, Kim Jong Un unveiled a nuclear-capable naval destroyer that he says will bolster North Korea's ability to defend itself in the face of perceived aggression from the US and its regional allies. The North Korean leader attended the warship's launch ceremony at the western port of Nampo with his teenage daughter Kim Ju Ae, according to state-run media. Ju Ae has been widely regarded by analysts as the likely successor to Kim since she was referred to as a 'great person of guidance' in an official report last year. Kim said the 5,000-ton vessel would bolster efforts to expand the operational range and preemptive strike capabilities of his nuclear-armed military. The 'multi-purpose' destroyer, designed to handle a variety of arms including nuclear-capable ballistic and cruise missiles, was touted as the first in a new class of heavily armed warships. Kim, who has framed the arms buildup as a response to the supposed danger posed by the US and its allies in Asia , said the destroyer would be handed over to the navy early next year before beginning active duty. Jo Chun Ryong, a secretary in the ruling Workers' party, claimed the ship was equipped with the 'most powerful weapons' and was built 'within 400-odd days'.
Daily Mail
27-05-2025
- General
- Daily Mail
North Korea threatens nuclear war in SPACE as it joins Russia and China in condemning Trump's $175billion Golden Dome missile defence system
North Korea has warned that a nuclear war could erupt in space, as it joined Russia and China in condemning US president Donald Trump 's futuristic vision of a 'Golden Dome' missile defence system. The $175billion (£129billion) project, proposed by Trump and inspired by Israel 's Iron Dome system, is aimed at blocking threats from adversaries like China and Russia. But Pyongyang's foreign ministry said Trump's plan risks turning 'outer space into a potential nuclear war field' and called it 'the height of self-righteousness [and] arrogance.' It accused the US of being 'hell-bent... to militarise outer space' and starkly warned that the programme could spark a 'a global nuclear and space arms race.' Earlier today, Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said that Trump's project undermines the foundations of strategic stability as it involves the creation of a global missile defence system. And last week, Beijing said it was 'seriously concerned' about the Golden Dome, which it said has 'strong offensive implications'. China's foreign ministry said: 'The United States, in pursuing a "US-first" policy, is obsessed with seeking absolute security for itself. 'This violates the principle that the security of all countries should not be compromised and undermines global strategic balance and stability.' This picture taken on May 8, 2025 shows a joint striking drill of long-range artillery and missile systems of the Korean People's Army eastern front division at an undisclosed location in North Korea North Korea has threatened to start a nuclear war in space, after joining Russia and China in slamming US president Donald Trump's (pictured) futuristic vision of a 'Golden Dome' missile defence system Kim Jong Un speaks during a launching ceremony of a new naval destroyer at a western port in Nampo, North Korea, on April 25, 2025 Hong Min, a senior analyst at the Korea Institute for National Unification, told AFP that Kim Jong Un likely sees Trump's Golden Dome as a threat that can "significantly weaken" its nuclear arsenal. 'If the US completes its new missile defence programme, the North will be forced to develop alternative means to counter or penetrate it,' he said. In April, Kim Jong Un unveiled a nuclear-capable naval destroyer that he says will bolster North Korea's ability to defend itself in the face of perceived aggression from the US and its regional allies. The North Korean leader attended the warship's launch ceremony at the western port of Nampo with his teenage daughter Kim Ju Ae, according to state-run media. Ju Ae has been widely regarded by analysts as the likely successor to Kim since she was referred to as a 'great person of guidance' in an official report last year. Kim said the 5,000-ton vessel would bolster efforts to expand the operational range and preemptive strike capabilities of his nuclear-armed military. The 'multi-purpose' destroyer, designed to handle a variety of arms including nuclear-capable ballistic and cruise missiles, was touted as the first in a new class of heavily armed warships. Kim, who has framed the arms buildup as a response to the supposed danger posed by the US and its allies in Asia, said the destroyer would be handed over to the navy early next year before beginning active duty. According to state media, Kim has said the 5,000-ton vessel will bolster efforts to expand the operational range and preemptive strike capabilities of his nuclear-armed military Jo Chun Ryong, a secretary in the ruling Workers' party, claimed the ship was equipped with the 'most powerful weapons' and was built 'within 400-odd days'. Kim also took aim at efforts by the US and South Korea to expand joint military exercises and update their nuclear deterrence strategies, which he portrayed as preparations for war. He vowed to 'respond decisively to this geopolitical crisis and ongoing developments,' the Korean Central News Agency reported.
South China Morning Post
08-05-2025
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
China and Russia accuse US of raising risk of nuclear war and vow to respond to threats jointly
China and Russia accused the United States on Thursday of increasing the risk of a nuclear war and vowed to jointly address threats, highlighting the escalation of Beijing and Moscow's strategic confrontation with Washington. Advertisement After a meeting Russian President Vladimir Putin held with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Moscow, the two nations issued a joint statement on global strategic stability. In it, they condemned several US policies, including the expansion of its security alliances, the forward deployment of strategic weapons, the development of global missile defences like the 'Golden Dome', the militarisation of space, and the sharing of nuclear technology with allies. Such US policies sought 'overwhelming military supremacy' and 'absolute strategic security', the statement warned, and were 'undermining global strategic stability, spurring an arms race and increasing conflict potential both among nuclear-weapon states and in the international arena as a whole'. The statement added: 'The two sides note with concern that against the backdrop of aggravation in the relations between nuclear-weapon states, which in some cases has escalated to the threat of a direct military clash, a critical mass of problems and challenges has accumulated in the strategic sphere, and the risk of nuclear conflict has increased.' Advertisement The statement was among more than 20 bilateral documents signed to further the nations' 'no limits' partnership while Xi attended Russia's celebration of the 80th anniversary of the defeat of Germany in World War II.
