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The Spinoff
a day ago
- Politics
- The Spinoff
Reclaiming the sacred: How we can begin to decolonise ourselves
Decolonisation isn't dependent just on systems-level change, but also change at an individual level, argues Kingi Snelgar. We are often defined by what we do – our jobs, our roles as parents, or our achievements. Rarely are we asked to reflect on who we are at our essence, or what values truly drive our existence. The term decolonisation has become a powerful rallying cry among indigenous peoples and others seeking to reclaim autonomy and self-determination. From iwi and hapū here in Aotearoa to movements in Palestine and beyond, decolonisation signals a call to undo the legacy of imposed power and restore relationships based on reciprocity, respect and justice. But what exactly is decolonisation? At its core, decolonisation is the dismantling of structures, policies and ideas that were imposed – often violently and without consent – on peoples, societies and lands. In Aotearoa, te Tiriti o Waitangi envisioned protection and co-existence between iwi, hapū and the Crown. It was meant to prevent colonisation but that is exactly what unfolded. The call to honour te Tiriti continues to this day. Decolonisation involves structural and institutional transformation, requiring those in power to return it to those from whom it was taken. However, history shows power is rarely relinquished voluntarily. There's an irony here: just as Māori rangatira did not cede sovereignty through te Tiriti, today's power-holders often resist meaningful shifts in authority, even when their legitimacy is rooted in colonisation. Colonisation did not just take away land, but it disrupted identity and mauri. It made whakapapa – our ancestral connection – linear, and wairua something to be silenced or forgotten through the likes of the Tohunga Suppression Act 1907. Many of us learned our culture from books or courses outside our whakapapa network, not from our elders or the environment. The journey to reclaim our life essence and purpose involves knowing and understanding the context that led us to this point of disconnection in the first place. For tauiwi, particularly Pākehā, there is a parallel invitation to remember their place within a greater whakapapa – a cosmic, ecological web in which humans are not at the centre, but part of a wider, sacred whole. The call to connect with mauri and values is universal, not just Māori. Like many other colonised nations, Aotearoa lives with significant disparity between Māori and Pākehā – especially in health, education and incarceration – driven by the enduring impacts of colonisation. While structural change is crucial to decolonisation, a deeper question remains around what steps each of us could take on this journey. We must reframe decolonisation – not as a political or institutional movement, but as a deeply personal and spiritual journey. This isn't to diminish the importance of structural change, but to remind ourselves of the mana we each hold – as individuals, whānau and communities – to reclaim who we are through our whakapapa. In doing so, we begin to decolonise not only our systems, but our spirits. Change begins with the individual. Within the current political system, we cannot afford to wait for systems to shift. Transformation starts when we create space to remember who we are. In remembering, we ignite the seeds of transformation that lie within us. E koru au e ngaro, he kākano i ruia mai i Rangiātea. I will never be lost, I am a seed sown from greatness. Ideas like intergenerational trauma and healing are not merely political or academic concepts – they are deeply spiritual. As our whakapapa reminds us, trauma and pain can linger in our bodies, in our fears and silences. Mamae and hara are carried like echoes through generations. To decolonise the wairua is to tend to these unseen wounds through reconnection to self, to whakapapa, whenua and atua. This is a journey undertaken not just for ourselves, but our past and future generations who have and will carry this mamae. The whare tapa whā model, a Māori health model developed by Sir Mason Durie in 1984, is an excellent example of understanding the holistic Māori view that different aspects of our wellbeing are interconnected. It discusses the need to balance spirit, mind, body and family, and is deeply rooted in Māori culture. The spiritual pillar is where I am drawn, for in the unseen, much transformation can occur. The disconnection from spirit is not unique to us. Across the world, many have become connected to superficial sources of wellness – material possessions, social status or social media validation – while deeper roots of connection to nature and spirit remain neglected. Decolonisation of the self, or decolonising the wairua, begins with humility. It is an act to reclaim tino rangatiratanga over our identity, mauri, our stories and our sacred connection to whenua, atua and each other. If collectives in power struggle to relinquish control, then perhaps we too struggle, on an individual level, to let go of the illusion that we are in control. Recent environmental events serve as a reminder of our vulnerability. For me, decolonisation calls us to surrender – not in defeat, but in reverence – to the truth that we are not the centre, but a single thread woven through the living web of whakapapa. This is not a journey with a fixed destination, but a lifelong one that leads to profound transformation. And it could begin with simple, sacred acts like: Decolonisation is not only about political justice – it is about soul justice. It is the sacred act of remembering who we are, where we come from, and what we are responsible for. In an age of hyper-individualism and fractured belonging, soul justice may be one of the most urgent kaupapa of our generation. Imagine an Aotearoa where wairuatanga is not just predominantly in pōwhiri or tangihanga, but in every classroom. Where our justice system becomes a place of healing. Where governance is rooted in whakapapa and collective wellbeing. Picture an Aotearoa where our mokopuna inherit more than laws and land – a living whakapapa system grounded in aroha, care and interconnection with each other, the whenua and all beings.
The Spinoff
07-08-2025
- Politics
- The Spinoff
The government may be turning away from te Tiriti – but the people aren't
Two authors of books about te Tiriti o Waitangi discuss the modern relevance of the nation's most important document and shifting attitudes towards it, despite pushback from the government. We recently shared the stage for a public kōrero on te Tiriti o Waitangi. The event, held during Matariki as part of the Tāmaki Untold series, filled the Whare Wānanga. People stayed after to talk. They asked thoughtful, sometimes difficult questions as they connected over cups of tea. We're seeing this kind of energy across the country. People are showing up not to argue or feel guilty – but to learn. What makes that so striking is how few New Zealanders were ever taught the basics about te Tiriti. That's not an individual failing, it's a systemic one. Some of the people in government who speak most confidently about te Tiriti may know less than the average person in the audience. That's why we sometimes need to start from the beginning. One of the questions Roimata was asked at our talk was: 'Which is the authoritative document – te Tiriti or the Treaty?' It's a common and important question. She laid it out like this: Māori discovered Aotearoa. Moriori discovered Rēkohu. They held tino rangatiratanga – complete authority – over their lands and lives. That's not ancient history; that's most of our history. By 1840, Queen Victoria's representatives wanted the exclusive right to buy land and a way to control British settlers. They promised protection and partnership. These were the terms discussed and recorded in te Tiriti o Waitangi, in te reo Māori. It reaffirmed Māori authority, echoing He Whakaputanga o te Rangatiratanga o Nu Tireni, the 1835 Declaration of Independence. But a different version – the Treaty of Waitangi – was written in English, asserting that the Queen would have 'sovereignty' – the power to make laws over everyone, including Māori. That was never discussed or agreed. It's important to set this all out when giving the short answer: only te Tiriti was agreed to, so only te Tiriti can be authoritative. Still, since 1840, the Crown has acted on the English version, using it to justify a flood of laws that have harmed Māori and enabled the loss of more than 60 million acres – nearly 97% of Māori land. When people hear this for the first time, they're often stunned. Sometimes there are tears. But when people are met with compassion rather than shame, they lean in. They keep learning. They tell their friends. And they begin to expect better from our institutions. We've both seen this shift up close. Avril met a woman after a talk who shared that her group was about to sign an MOU with their local hapū. She has been hosted by treaty education groups, who have been working in their communities, educating, leading protest actions and building networks for years These efforts are part of a growing nationwide movement. The commitment to te Tiriti is real – and it predates this government and will outlast it. Today, there are more tauiwi who outwardly support te Tiriti than ever before. And what's most heartening is that this movement is grounded in hope. At a time when public conversations are often dominated by fear, misinformation or division, we are generally seeing the opposite in our communities: courage, curiosity and kindness. In town halls, classrooms, marae and boardrooms, it's ordinary people – not politicians – who are stepping up. They're asking questions, challenging old assumptions, and imagining a future where Te Tiriti isn't a source of tension, but a foundation for justice, understanding and shared strength. It takes courage to admit you were never taught this history. It takes hope to believe things can be different. And it takes both to stay in the room, keep learning and take action. In workplaces too, change is continuing. Despite government reversals, many organisations are choosing to keep investing in Tiriti education, co-designing projects with Māori partners, and ensuring staff have a basic understanding of tikanga and pronunciation as part of respectful engagement. This matters. Non-Māori have a critical role to play – not just in backing Māori-led initiatives, but in educating our own communities, challenging our institutions and supporting the enactment of tino rangatiratanga in practice. Yes, people still get nervous. Some worry about being tokenistic. Others fear making mistakes or overstepping. But the reality is that mistakes are inevitable in any learning journey. The key is to treat them as part of the process, not a reason to pull back. Being useful looks different in different contexts. Sometimes it means stepping back and letting Māori leadership guide the kaupapa. Other times, especially where there are few Māori voices in a space, it means stepping up – but doing so under the direction of Māori colleagues and communities. In the end, it's about relationships. Te Tiriti was always meant to be a partnership – a mutually beneficial agreement between peoples. That vision still exists. Māori haven't withdrawn the invitation. The door is still open and we're seeing more and more people walk through it. That's what gives us hope. The future of this country will not be shaped solely by whoever is in power at any given moment. It's being shaped every day by teachers, parents, kaumātua, rangatahi, social workers, union delegates, health workers, and neighbours – people who are choosing honesty over defensiveness, and connection over fear. New Zealanders are ready to engage – if the facts are made accessible. We know that once people begin to understand, they often want to act. Hope grows fastest where knowledge replaces silence. The momentum is already here. And if it continues, the future of this country – grounded in te Tiriti – could be brighter than many dare imagine.
The Spinoff
05-08-2025
- Politics
- The Spinoff
One MP, One Pint: Whisky and the new ‘Jacinda-wave' with Peeni Henare
Labour MP Peeni Henare is eyeing up a win in the upcoming Tāmaki Makaurau byelection – but first, whisky and fried doughnuts. It's a Panhead pale ale for me and a whisky for Peeni Henare. I tell him that I definitely would've picked him as a beer man, and he assures me that he is – it's just that working in parliament for nearly 12 years teaches you a few things about drinking: it's easier to know your limit with whisky, whereas beer can be more of a blackhole. After all, it's only 5pm, Henare's work day lasts another five hours, and off-time has been at a minimum lately. On the weekends, he's been in campaign mode at Auckland's Ōtara markets in the lead-up to the Tāmaki Makaurau byelection, shaking hands with voters and enjoying his favourite market grub: fried doughnuts. It's not a two-candidate race, but it might as well be, with Te Pāti Māori's Oriini Kaipara the other frontrunner likely to take the seat left by the party's late Takutai Tarsh-Kemp. The race could be a litmus test for Te Pāti Māori's popularity alongside the Toitū te Tiriti movement, or for the Labour vibe Henare says he's been catching: 'I've felt a Jacinda-wave – maybe not as big, but I felt a momentum, and it's a good sign in the build-up to 2026.' He says that on the ground, 'nobody ever says 'toitū te Tiriti' to me' – instead, constituents are concerned about work opportunities, access to good education and health services, and affordable housing. 'Our people are looking to see tangible results – that doesn't mean that we ignore te Tiriti,' Henare says. 'We want the Crown to be a responsible partner, but it's hard saying that to someone who's got nowhere to live, who's looking at the price of butter and thinking it's a treat.' Henare first came to parliament in 2014 as MP for Tāmaki Makaurau, a seat he held until the 2023 election. Reflecting on the state of the party back when he first started, after Labour suffered it's worst-ever election defeat, to Jacindamania and beyond, Henare says political life forces you to 'ride the high, and also ride the lows'. Being in the Labour Party kind of reminds him of his favourite rugby league team, the Warriors – you just have to keep telling yourself it's your year until it really is. Henare's the kind of man you could easily picture yourself drinking with into the early hours of the morning. He's got plenty of yarns to share, especially from his stint as minister for defence between 2020 and 2023 – like that time he and Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky met former UK prime minister Rishi Sunak. Sunak had just been elected to the top spot, took the same train to the country as Henare ('he was first class, I was no class'), and boarded the train dressed in 'one of the most beautiful suits I've ever seen – the thing was was stitched onto him'. Their paths didn't properly cross over until later that day, after Henare had already met up with Zelensky. But when the Ukrainian leader caught sight of Sunak's attire, he turned to Henare and remarked, 'only the British show up to war in a suit'. THE SPINOFF PUB Q+A How much should a pint cost? I think a pint should be no more than $10. You might make an exception for a Guinness or a bougie boutique beer, but you should't have to go and buy a stubby for $16. Do you have a karaoke go-to? I've got a small handful, but my favourite one is: [begins singing] I would take the stars out of the sky for you … Or 'Wonderful Tonight', but that's a few whiskies deep, that one. Favourite place to get a drink in Aotearoa? I like having a beer at the Duke of Marlborough, because I'm from up there, there's deep history – there's still bullet holes in the building – plus it's beautiful: you can sit on the deck, [enjoy] the calm waters. They call it the hellhole of the Pacific, but I beg to differ. Which three MPs would be on your pub quiz team? Matua Winston, [because of his] broad knowledge and great memory recall – he tells me stories from the 70s when he met my grandparents, and he might repeat the stories every now and then, but the story never changes, which is pretty good. And I'm going to go with Duncan Webb: he's brainy, he's got a great sense of humour, he's got some quirky little knowledge too. And Barbara Edmonds because she loves her sport and history, is big on community and she's probably better at maths. Which MP from across the aisle would you most like to share a drink with? Mark Mitchell: we've played rugby together, I get on really well with him, we've very similar interests and he's just a choice rooster, you know? Which current policy would you like to call last rounds on? Any policy that is Māori bashing. I had just finished uni when Don Brash did the Ōrewa speech, and now we're 20 years down the track and we're still doing that, like, come on whānau … We just keep coming back to this thing, and we know why: because it's cheap and easy politics. Any policy that race baits, I'd like to see the ass-end of it. Is there an alcohol-related law you would like to change? I'd like to see the licensing trusts come into alignment – there's too much of a grey area and disparity in the work and financing that these trusts do. West Auckland's very specific and strict, and it works well in that community, but for others, there's been allegations of corruption and poor governance, and I'd love to see legislation that can tidy that up. What's a policy area we've been nursing without finishing the glass? Pay equity. I think there can be really good policy about how we manage it moving forward, and how we uplift the lowest paid, in a clear way that everyone understands. What qualities make a good drinking partner? Storytelling: a good storyteller can captivate this room, and if you've been in here, you've no doubt seen Winston hold court. It's all about storytelling, instead of a projection of personality. Have you ever had a Schnapp's election moment where you regretted your political instinct? I think if a politician says they haven't, they're lying. There are lots of things where I think, 'damn, I should've said [this], I should've been better, I shouldn't have let that emotion [take over]' … For example, trolls online – [I don't know] how many times I've typed something out and deleted it all. Sometimes, you just gotta rise above it.
Otago Daily Times
12-06-2025
- Politics
- Otago Daily Times
The Regulatory Standards Bill is an attack on all of us
It is that time again. We have another big parliamentary Bill to submit on, the Regulatory Standards Bill. It is a complicated beast. I know this because I submitted on the discussion document back in December. I was one of the 20,108 not-bot submitters who argued against its complex and contradictory proposals. You might be one of the 76 people who supported the proposals. Good on you for having your say. You and I both get to do it again. I do not know anyone other than Act New Zealand who is providing advice if you are one of the 76 but there is a lot of support if you want to join the 20,000. A major concern is the explicit exclusion of Te Tiriti o Waitangi from the Bill's narrow law-making principles. The Bill excludes Māori perspectives in the law-making process, erodes Māori rights to self-determination and threatens te reo Māori. It perpetuates systemic racism and colonial structures of power. Lawyer Tania Waikato argues the Bill will lead to even greater legal confusion and uncertainty, and undoubtedly more litigation because it discards decades of law on the application of te Tiriti in New Zealand policy and legislation. Even the Ministry of Justice has said the Bill fails to reflect the constitutional importance of Te Tiriti o Waitangi. The government wants to use the Bill to help it avoid having te Tiriti conversations, but it will only encourage and amplify them. There are other reasons too. The Bill will constrain the regulation and law-making of future governments. All laws and regulations will have to meet a set of principles that idolise individual freedoms and private property rights over everything else. That means, for example, over public services like a good, fit-for-purpose, future-proofed hospital for the South. You do not have to be a hardcore socialist to think public hospitals are a good idea. Or that it is good for governments, even ones we did not vote for, to be able to legislate for the public good over private interests. Academic Jane Kelsey describes this as "metaregulation", where the Bill will regulate the way governments can regulate. Because of this, the Bill has the potential to constrain parliamentary sovereignty, in practice if not in law. What about our environment? The environment has taken some big hits under this government and the Bill will make more of them more likely. Greenpeace is saying it will be harder for the government to address climate change and biodiversity loss. The Bill might require the government to compensate corporations for the impact of protective laws that affect their property. You do not get compensated when the law impacts your property: why should corporations? The Bill encourages deregulation which will compromise the health of the environment. It will encourage exploitation of natural areas and accelerate the loss of endangered species. It is very contradictory. On one hand the government is encouraging more tourists into New Zealand and on the other promoting legislation that puts our most valuable tourism asset, our natural environment, at even greater risk. Some are also arguing the Bill will disproportionately benefit wealthy people, widening the gap between them and everybody else. The Bill will prioritise individual's property rights over workers' rights to secure and safe employment or the rights of vulnerable communities. These are collective services, like social services and infrastructure. Collective services help to keep us working, support the elderly through superannuation, and provide the social safety net. As eroded as these services might be right now, it can still get much worse, for everyone. The Bill proposes having an unelected regulatory standards board appointed by the minister to oversee the regime. This is not a body representing the public. This is an elite group hand-picked by the minister to help put pressure on the government to follow the Bill's prescription. The board will be unelected lobbyists for the Bill's ideology and will not be accountable to voters. The submissions on the Bill close on June 23, so you have 10 more days. There is a good portal on the parliamentary website to make your submission through, so it is easy to do. You do not have to say much and you do not have to know all about the Bill's trickier details. ODT columnist Chris Trotter is right that no Parliament can bind a future one. A future government could, of course, repeal the Bill if it becomes law — but that is not a reason not to fight it. Putting your faith in the good judgement of a future government is, well, not good judgement. We have to keep up our side of our democracy and have our say, even more so as democracy comes under intense attack. Because that is what this Bill represents. It is not just an attack on Māori and te Tiriti. Or just on conservationists. Or just on the social safety net. It is an attack on everyone. ■Metiria Stanton Turei is a senior law lecturer at the University of Otago and a former Green Party MP and co-leader.
Otago Daily Times
02-06-2025
- Otago Daily Times
Bus hub: Focus on central city safety
Preventing crime at Dunedin's bus hub could hinge on ensuring threats are responded to rapidly, deploying prominent patrols and adjusting the area's design, a report suggests. Stronger accountability and ensuring collaboration across agencies delivers results also shape as priorities for improving safety in the central city. A review of safety plans from cities in New Zealand, Australia and the United Kingdom is set to be discussed by the Otago Regional Council on Thursday. Options were not presented, but the material "will be used to assist with actions going forward", a report said. The bus hub in Great King St was the scene of a fatal stabbing last year of 16-year-old Enere McLaren-Taana. A survey of 1300 Dunedin secondary school students subsequently found 45% did not feel safe in the inner city and harassment of girls was rife. A multi-agency advisory group was established after the stabbing and, this year, the regional council - a leading partner in the group - commissioned the safety review by Collective Strategy. "Its purpose is to identify effective strategies and practical insights that can be applied to enhance safety in Dunedin's central city, particularly around the Dunedin bus hub, a known hotspot for youth-related safety concerns," its executive summary said. Victimisation data from last year obtained from police showed the area around the bus hub and parts of the Octagon had a higher concentration of reported crime. The highest number of offences occurred early on Sunday mornings and after-school hours on weekdays. Creation of flexible, rapid response safety teams was explored in the review. "A co-ordinated and well-defined safety response process that is supported by a reliable and monitored CCTV network is required to ensure these services are well utilised and have the maximum positive impact on safety," the report said. In Dunedin, security services were employed around the bus hub and police had established a beat team to increase foot patrols in the city centre. The review noted a shift towards a culture of prevention was evident in many community safety plans. "Cultural inclusion, social connections, and increasing the prominence and visibility of safety measures are effective measures that cities are implementing to prevent and reduce crime and antisocial behaviour. "By understanding and applying the principles of te Tiriti and building greater awareness of mana whenua connections to the land, we can increase positive interactions in communities and promote shared values of inclusion and respect." Partnership models were discussed in the review. "Regular engagement and communication between a wide range of other agencies was seen as critical to every safety team interviewed. "Having a more focused short-term set of actions is effective when working with a partnership model, as partners have greater clarity about what's required and what they're working towards." Leadership and strong governance were considered vital. "Some teams found that without a senior leader owning the work, there wasn't the necessary authority to make decisions and escalate issues if enough progress wasn't made. "It was common for plans to linger in the realm of 'lots of talking and not much doing' if this leadership wasn't present." In Dunedin, the central city advisory group meets monthly.
