Latest news with #whitesupremacy
Yahoo
4 days ago
- Yahoo
New information about Walmart mass shooting emerges in recently released evidence
EL PASO, Texas (El Paso Matters) – A shopper emerges from an aisle in Walmart and looks for someone to help her. The only person around is a 6-foot-tall young man in a black T-shirt, tan cargo pants, black tennis shoes and the beginnings of a goatee, looking at his cellphone while leaning on a display of mini fridges. As captured on store cameras, she approaches him, says something, and he shrugs as if he doesn't understand. She appears to laugh, clasps her hands together, then thrusts them upward three times, signaling she needed help getting something out of her reach. They walk together down the aisle where she had been, and a set of hands is seen on store video reaching to the top shelf. The man walks back to the display area where he had been standing, once again looking at the phone as he settles near another display. The woman heads off in a different direction. Every day in El Paso, people feel safe in approaching a stranger for a small favor that is quickly granted, momentarily brightening the lives of both. This was no act of kindness. It was 9:13 a.m. Saturday, Aug. 3, 2019, at the Walmart next to Cielo Vista Mall. The man in the black T-shirt was 21-year-old Patrick Crusius. On his phone was a manifesto he had recently written vowing to stop the 'Hispanic invasion of Texas,' which he would soon post to an internet site frequented by white supremacists. (The woman who approached him spoke to Crusius only in Spanish, his attorney, Joe Spencer, told El Paso Matters.) At 10:38 a.m., just over 80 minutes after retrieving something for the shopper in need, Crusius reentered the Cielo Vista Walmart with a Romanian-made AK-47-style semiautomatic rifle he purchased from the internet weeks earlier. By the time he left the Walmart a final time, 23 people lay dead or dying, another 22 had wounds they would carry for life, and El Paso was changed forever. The basic elements of El Paso's darkest day are well-established. Crusius has pleaded guilty in both federal and state courts to the deadliest hate-driven attack against Hispanics in U.S. history. He will die in prison. But because Crusius never faced trial, El Paso knows little about what investigators learned as they tried to piece together the gunman's motives, and what transpired that day. State and federal laws generally allow law enforcement and prosecutors to keep secret such evidence before criminal cases conclude. With the criminal cases now ended, some of what investigators learned is being made public. The Texas Department of Public Safety – which assisted in the investigation – recently released a trove of video and photographs from the Walmart mass shooting investigation to Interrogation Files, an Arkansas-based YouTube channel that specializes in videos of law enforcement questioning of people accused of crimes. Interrogation Files requested the records from DPS under the Texas Public Information Act. Interrogation Files published a video released by DPS that includes two El Paso police detectives questioning Crusius less than three hours after the shooting. The video released by DPS shows almost two hours of questioning by the detectives. An interrogation by FBI agents later that day was not included in the videos released by DPS. DPS also provided Interrogation Files with extensive videos from cameras inside and outside the Walmart, as well as crime scene photos by law enforcement. Interrogation Files agreed to share the materials received from DPS with El Paso Matters. El Paso Matters reviewed the video and images released by DPS and will not publish or describe graphic material. But we are sharing some of what is contained in the evidence to deepen public understanding of the attack. The information released by DPS includes two separate videos of El Paso police detectives Fred Hernandez and Adrian Garcia interrogating Crusius on the afternoon of Aug. 3, 2019, hours after the shooting. The first video is about 58 minutes long and the second is 57 minutes. On the video, Crusius waived his rights to remain silent and have an attorney present for questioning. DPS also released a 36-minute video produced by the FBI that stitches together recordings from Walmart cameras from the moment that Crusius' 2012 Honda Civic is first seen approaching the store parking lot until he drives away after the shooting one hour and 46 minutes later. The store cameras captured Crusius mercilessly gunning down people as he approached the Walmart, as he entered the store, as he moved through, and as he exited. Before the shooting, Crusius went inside the Walmart and walked around for about 30 minutes, bought a bag of oranges and ate at least one, and sat in his car for almost an hour. Five minutes before the attack, he drove his car through a sidewalk to reach a parking space on the southwest side of the building. Crusius left two minutes later to seek another parking spot, where he began his assault. During the interrogation, Crusius gave a different explanation of his motive than he provided in the manifesto he posted online shortly before the shooting. In the manifesto, he highlighted a series of racist beliefs and said his attack was meant to stop 'the Hispanic invasion of Texas.' The information released by DPS includes two separate videos of El Paso police detectives Fred Hernandez and Adrian Garcia interrogating Crusius on the afternoon of Aug. 3, 2019, hours after the shooting. The first video is about 58 minutes long and the second is 57 minutes. On the video, Crusius waived his rights to remain silent and have an attorney present for questioning. DPS also released a 36-minute video produced by the FBI that stitches together recordings from Walmart cameras from the moment that Crusius' 2012 Honda Civic is first seen approaching the store parking lot until he drives away after the shooting one hour and 46 minutes later. The store cameras captured Crusius mercilessly gunning down people as he approached the Walmart, as he entered the store, as he moved through, and as he exited. Before the shooting, Crusius went inside the Walmart and walked around for about 30 minutes, bought a bag of oranges and ate at least one, and sat in his car for almost an hour. Five minutes before the attack, he drove his car through a sidewalk to reach a parking space on the southwest side of the building. Crusius left two minutes later to seek another parking spot, where he began his assault. During the interrogation, Crusius gave a different explanation of his motive than he provided in the manifesto he posted online shortly before the shooting. In the manifesto, he highlighted a series of racist beliefs and said his attack was meant to stop 'the Hispanic invasion of Texas.' But under questioning by the two El Paso police detectives, he gave another reason for the attack on a store crowded on a Saturday morning with predominantly Hispanic and Mexican shoppers: 'I guess I was bullied in high school by Mexicans.' Crusius repeatedly told the officers that the reasons for his attack could be found in his manifesto, which was a 2,300-word screed that praised a previous white supremacist killer and said immigration was a threat to white people. But during the interrogation, he also returned to the bullying theme, which was not mentioned in the manifesto. 'That's the real reason. I rationalize in different ways. That sounds pathetic to say that's really why I killed a bunch of people. But, yeah, that's it.' Crusius was calm throughout the interrogation, but his left leg shook visibly and his statements were often muddled. He confused El Paso and San Antonio at one point. He said he posted the manifesto, which is replete with racist tropes, because 'I just didn't want people thinking I was a white supremacist. That's why I posted it, really.' As Crusius' criminal cases wound through the courts, his attorneys said he had a lengthy history of mental illness. He told his interrogators that he had long held violent thoughts and said he stopped seeing a therapist because he didn't think it was working. He also said he was on the autism spectrum. In the interrogation, Crusius said he couldn't sleep the night of Aug. 2, 2019, so he left his grandparents' house in the Dallas suburb of Allen, where he was living, and headed for El Paso. 'I mean, I just had violent thoughts, and I've been battling them for a long time. Yesterday, I mean, I didn't think I'd actually do it, but you know, yesterday I started having really violent thoughts and the next day I just drove and did it.' He brought the AK-47 rifle he had recently purchased, and ammunition he said he had begun accumulating before he bought the gun. He said he chose to make the 10-hour drive to El Paso because it was far away from the Dallas area, where his parents and grandparents lived. Of El Paso, Crusius said, 'I had no idea where it was.' He used a map on his phone to make his way from North Texas. When he got to El Paso, he got lost in a neighborhood, Crusius told the detectives. He was hungry, so he looked for a Walmart. The Cielo Vista Walmart was the first one listed on his phone search. During the interrogation, Crusius said he acted alone in the attack. 'I don't have any friends,' he told Hernandez and Garcia. Store security cameras show Crusius' Honda Civic arriving at about 8:56 a.m. Aug. 3, 2019, and he parked a minute later. (The time stamp of 9:56 a.m. on the Walmart security cameras was an hour later than the actual time in El Paso, the FBI said in the intro to the video it created from store camera footage.) Crusius had been driving for about 10 hours. He walked into the Walmart at 8:59 a.m. through the grocery entrance. No uniformed security officers are evident in the video. Crusius walked through the store without engaging with store staff or customers. At 9:02 a.m., he went into a restroom at the front of the store and was off camera for 8 minutes and 13 seconds. When he emerged, he drank from a water fountain for six seconds, then resumed walking through the store. Crusius seemed to avoid contact with others. While walking in an aisle and looking at his phone, he reversed direction when he looked up and saw two men coming toward him. He proceeded down the next aisle to his right. Shortly after he reappeared in the camera's view, a woman pushing a shopping cart can be seen coming behind him, then turning up another aisle. This was the woman shopper who approached Crusius to seek his assistance reaching something on a top shelf. It was his only interaction with another human being captured on video while he was inside the store. Crusius walked out of the store at 9:20 a.m. without purchasing anything. He went to his car, opened the door, then closed it without getting in. He walked back to the Walmart, reentering at 9:23 a.m. He headed to the produce section and picked up a bag of oranges. Crusius used a card to pay at a self-checkout machine, pacing for 15 seconds as the payment was processed. He then exited the store a second time at 9:26 a.m. Crusius went on and off camera over the next few minutes, but was captured on video eating an orange in the entryway. He left the Walmart again at 9:30 a.m., carrying the bag of oranges in his left hand. Crusius walked to his car, got in, and sat there for 56 minutes and 10 seconds. Investigators determined that he posted his manifesto from his phone to the internet during this period, at 10:20 a.m. At 10:28 a.m., a group appeared to unload groceries in the car parked next to Crusius. He drove forward, turned south and then west, and parked for another three minutes in the same aisle. Crusius then drove forward and turned north toward the store. He then turned west on the road in front of the Walmart before turning north again at the end of the store, driving across a sidewalk near several people and into a parking spot next to a minivan on the west side of the store. No one, including store security, appeared to have approached Crusius after his reckless move, though the vehicle was largely out of camera view for 35 seconds. It was perhaps the last chance to stop a mass killer before his attack. Officials with Walmart, which is facing multiple civil suits stemming from the attack, did not respond to questions from El Paso Matters about security at the Cielo Vista store the day of the attack. Crusius can be seen on store video briefly walking between the driver's side of his car and the driver's side of a minivan parked next to him, and put something over his shoulders. Subsequent video would show it was a pouch containing ammunition magazines. At 10:35 a.m., he pulled forward and turned in front of the Walmart once again. He weaved through the parking lot before pulling into a spot that faced the midpoint of the store just before 10:37 a.m. He exited the car, popped the trunk, and put on shooting earmuffs before pulling out his rifle. 'I can't shoot that thing without ear protection, period. It disorientates me. It makes me feel sick,' he told police a few hours later. At 10:38 a.m., Crusius slammed his trunk shut, put the AK-47 to his shoulder, began walking toward the Walmart, and fatally shot his first victim – a 58-year-old woman who had just turned her shopping cart toward him in the parking lot – 14 seconds after raising his weapon. He headed toward the grocery entrance where minutes earlier he had eaten an orange as shoppers went in and out. Crusius continued firing inside the store for almost three minutes before exiting a final time and heading back to his car. Hours later, he would tell police he didn't expect the attack would last as long as it did. 'I thought there would be somebody shooting back.' He pulled out of the parking space at 10:42 a.m. He later told police he tried to call 911 to surrender after he drove away, but couldn't get through. He was driving back to the Walmart about 20 minutes after leaving when he saw law enforcement vehicles about a block from the store and surrendered to two Texas Rangers and an El Paso police officer. When detectives asked him during the interrogation what he planned to do as he drove away after the shooting, Crusius said: 'I mean, I just had to get away. I don't … It was so nasty.' But even as he walked away from the carnage he left in the Walmart, Crusius fired on a car passing in front of the store, killing a 77-year-old man and wounding his wife. They were his final victims. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Daily Mail
03-06-2025
- Politics
- Daily Mail
BREAKING NEWS Sickening scenes in Melbourne as white supremacists descend on shopping centre
A group of vile white supremacists gathered outside the busy Northland Shopping Centre in Melbourne, where they were filmed chanting slogans such as 'white man fight back' and 'white pride' while holding an offensive sign. Victoria Police is currently investigating the incident.
Yahoo
01-06-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Hundreds rally in Kansas City against Patriot Front
More than 300 people gathered on the Country Club Plaza Saturday afternoon to denounce hate and white supremacy in response to a recent protest by the Patriot Front , a known white nationalist group. The event, organized by the Kansas City Women's Action Collective, was held as a public stand against what organizers called a dangerous and hateful ideology.
Yahoo
24-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Trump administration is minimizing white supremacist threat, officials warn
US state department employees recently opened up their emails to find a PDF to their new 'style guide', which dictates what language and terminology they can and can't use. According to this new updated guide, the term 'racially or ethnically motivated violent extremism'– 'REMVE' or 'RMVE' – was now banned, except in situations where they were legally compelled to use it. While style guide updates in government agencies that tinker with acronyms between administrations are not unusual, the document did not yet propose an alternative term for the threat from the violent far right. Current and former state department officials told the Guardian that this was just one reason why they are concerned about how seriously the Trump administration will take the ongoing threat from white supremacists at home and abroad. Over the last six years, the state department caught up to European partners by recognizing the transnational threat posed by the radical far right – after decades of laser focus on jihadist terrorism. In January, one week before Donald Trump returned to the White House, the state department took action against the white supremacist collective Terrorgram, designating it as a foreign terrorist organization and linking it to a shooting at an LGBTQ+ bar in Slovakia, a knife attack at a mosque in Turkey and a planned attack on energy facilities in New Jersey. It was the third 'racially or ethnically motivated violent extremist' group to ever face terrorist designation or sanctions from the state department. First was the Russian Imperial Movement in 2020, and later the neo-Nazi Nordic Resistance in 2024. In addition to the new ban on using language to refer to the threat of white supremacists, last month Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, unveiled a plan for huge cuts at the state department, which would result in the elimination of more than a hundred offices and about 700 jobs – including those whose portfolios include racially motivated violent extremism. Among the offices on the chopping block is the Office for Countering Violent Extremism, or 'CVE', which works on identifying root causes of radicalization and extremism to prevent terrorist attacks before they happen. CVE began looking at international white supremacist terrorism around 2019. Now, that threat accounts for about a third of their work. Rubio said in his announcement of the plan that the current state department was 'beholden to a radical political ideology'. The coming changes at the state department follow a pattern of moving resources away from programs that work on the threat of the far right since Trump took office. In March, the FBI scaled back an office that was focused on domestic extremism. The FBI's joint terrorism taskforces, which investigated domestic and international terrorist threats, were redirected to assist in the president's immigration enforcement operations. Meanwhile, offices at the Department of Homeland Security, similar to the state department's CVE, which worked on threat prevention, including from the far right, have also seen cuts and funding for grants has been terminated. 'If you're dismantling the offices that deal with those threats, you're dismantling the administration's ability to deal with the far right,' said William Braniff who left his role as director of the DHS's Center for Prevention, Partnerships and Programs (CP3) earlier this year and now heads American University's Polarization and Extremism Research and Innovation Lab (Peril) in the school of public affairs. Officials and experts interviewed by the Guardian suspected that the cuts to those programs, particularly to violence prevention programs, probably stemmed from a desire to just 'move fast and break things' in the spirit of the 'department of government efficiency' (Doge), rather than a pointed agenda to upend the government's ability to track and battle the far right. Some also fear that they are looking to prioritize threats that play well with Trump's base; at the same time, they are deprioritizing the threat from the far right, which Trump and his allies have cast as a politicized smokescreen for the Biden administration to go after white Christian Americans. (The term 'REMVE' was already seen as a concession, to avoid accusations of politicization; officials note that America's partner countries are free to use the term 'far right). 'Previous administrations weren't trying to censor the radical right, they were dealing with real actors on the right wing,' said Jason Blazakis, former director of the counter-terrorism finance and designations office at the Bureau of Counterterrorism, who now teaches terrorism studies at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies. 'People say that this administration doesn't want to talk about this [the threat from the far right] any more, and I think there's an element of truth to that.' Blazakis says the new focus of counter-terrorism is 'threats that are seen as political winners in the Maga movement,' such as cartels and Islamist jihadism. At the state department, rumors had been swirling for weeks that Sebastian Gorka, who is serving as senior director for counter-terrorism on the national security council, was looking to ban the term 'REMVE'. (When the Guardian contacted the state department to request comment on the style guide change, our inquiry was directed to Gorka. He did not respond until after this article was published, but later sent an email in which he declined to answer questions and instead criticized the Guardian and suggested this reporter 'take a long jump off a short pier.') In his current role, Gorka has plenty of influence on state department initiatives. During his first brief tenure with the Trump administration, reporting highlighted his ties to far-right groups in his native Hungary. He also made comments downplaying the threat of white supremacy just days before neo-Nazis violently rallied in Charlottesville, Virginia, in 2017. At Politico's recent Security Summit, Gorka outlined his vision for counter-terrorism policy. 'What we are doing right now is preparing the new US counter-terrorism strategy, refocusing on the real cause of jihadism, which is the ideology of jihad,' he said. Formal recognition of the threat from modern white supremacist terrorism by the US government came during Trump's first administration. A number of deadly attacks around the world, from Christchurch, New Zealand, to El Paso, Texas, to Halle, Germany, highlighted the growing danger of an increasingly globally interconnected far right who were united by a shared belief in 'great replacement' conspiracy theories, which stoke fears of immigrants of color outnumbering populations in white-majority countries. Speaking before Congress in 2020 Chris Wray, then the FBI chief, for the first time identified white supremacist violence as the top domestic terror threat. The US intelligence community put out a report last year identifying white supremacist or neo-Nazi extremists as among the top global terror threats. Getting the state department to care about the threat from the global far right was initially an uphill battle, sources told the Guardian. Even as coming cuts suggest resources will be taken away from that threat, it hasn't gone away. This week, German police arrested teen members of a far-right terrorist cell on suspicion of targeting migrants and political opponents in attacks with the broader goal of destabilizing democracy. Police say that the cell was part of an organization called Last Defence Wave, which organized across 70 chat groups around Germany. Authorities in Brazil recently said that they foiled a planned bomb attack on Lady Gaga's concert by a far-right anti-LGBTQ+ hate group. And some officials at the state department fear that far-right terrorist groups are becoming emboldened in light of the Trump administration, pivoting attention away from them. For example, the US neo-Nazi group The Base, whose leader is based in Russia, appears to be looking to ramp up violence overseas, recently calling for targeted attacks in Ukraine. One official characterized the cuts to violence prevention programs at the state department, including those that work on the threat from the far right, as 'excessive and careless reduction in government' that 'will make us less safe'.
The Guardian
24-05-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Trump administration is minimizing white supremacist threat, officials warn
US state department employees recently opened up their emails to find a PDF to their new 'style guide', which dictates what language and terminology they can and can't use. According to this new updated guide, the term 'racially or ethnically motivated violent extremism'– 'REMVE' or 'RMVE' – was now banned, except in situations where they were legally compelled to use it. While style guide updates in government agencies that tinker with acronyms between administrations are not unusual, the document did not yet propose an alternative term for the threat from the violent far right. Current and former state department officials told the Guardian that this was just one reason why they are concerned about how seriously the Trump administration will take the ongoing threat from white supremacists at home and abroad. Over the last six years, the state department caught up to European partners by recognizing the transnational threat posed by the radical far right – after decades of laser focus on jihadist terrorism. In January, one week before Donald Trump returned to the White House, the state department took action against the white supremacist collective Terrorgram, designating it as a foreign terrorist organization and linking it to a shooting at an LGBTQ+ bar in Slovakia, a knife attack at a mosque in Turkey and a planned attack on energy facilities in New Jersey. It was the third 'racially or ethnically motivated violent extremist' group to ever face terrorist designation or sanctions from the state department. First was the Russian Imperial Movement in 2020, and later the neo-Nazi Nordic Resistance in 2024. In addition to the new ban on using language to refer to the threat of white supremacists, last month Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, unveiled a plan for huge cuts at the state department, which would result in the elimination of more than a hundred offices and about 700 jobs – including those whose portfolios include racially motivated violent extremism. Among the offices on the chopping block is the Office for Countering Violent Extremism, or 'CVE', which works on identifying root causes of radicalization and extremism to prevent terrorist attacks before they happen. CVE began looking at international white supremacist terrorism around 2019. Now, that threat accounts for about a third of their work. Rubio said in his announcement of the plan that the current state department was 'beholden to a radical political ideology'. The coming changes at the state department follow a pattern of moving resources away from programs that work on the threat of the far right since Trump took office. In March, the FBI scaled back an office that was focused on domestic extremism. The FBI's joint terrorism taskforces, which investigated domestic and international terrorist threats, were redirected to assist in the president's immigration enforcement operations. Meanwhile, offices at the Department of Homeland Security, similar to the state department's CVE, which worked on threat prevention, including from the far right, have also seen cuts and funding for grants has been terminated. 'If you're dismantling the offices that deal with those threats, you're dismantling the administration's ability to deal with the far right,' said William Braniff who left his role as director of the DHS's Center for Prevention, Partnerships and Programs (CP3) earlier this year and now heads American University's Polarization and Extremism Research and Innovation Lab (Peril) in the school of public affairs. Officials and experts interviewed by the Guardian suspected that the cuts to those programs, particularly to violence prevention programs, probably stemmed from a desire to just 'move fast and break things' in the spirit of the 'department of government efficiency' (Doge), rather than a pointed agenda to upend the government's ability to track and battle the far right. Some also fear that they are looking to prioritize threats that play well with Trump's base; at the same time, they are deprioritizing the threat from the far right, which Trump and his allies have cast as a politicized smokescreen for the Biden administration to go after white Christian Americans. (The term 'REMVE' was already seen as a concession, to avoid accusations of politicization; officials note that America's partner countries are free to use the term 'far right). 'Previous administrations weren't trying to censor the radical right, they were dealing with real actors on the right wing,' said Jason Blazakis, former director of the counter-terrorism finance and designations office at the Bureau of Counterterrorism, who now teaches terrorism studies at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies. 'People say that this administration doesn't want to talk about this [the threat from the far right] any more, and I think there's an element of truth to that.' Blazakis says the new focus of counter-terrorism is 'threats that are seen as political winners in the Maga movement,' such as cartels and Islamist jihadism. Sign up to This Week in Trumpland A deep dive into the policies, controversies and oddities surrounding the Trump administration after newsletter promotion At the state department, rumors had been swirling for weeks that Sebastian Gorka, who is serving as senior director for counter-terrorism on the national security council, was looking to ban the term 'REMVE'. (When the Guardian contacted the state department to request comment on the style guide change, our inquiry was directed to Gorka). In his current role, Gorka has plenty of influence on state department initiatives. During his first brief tenure with the Trump administration, reporting highlighted his ties to far-right groups in his native Hungary. He also made comments downplaying the threat of white supremacy just days before neo-Nazis violently rallied in Charlottesville, Virginia, in 2017. At Politico's recent Security Summit, Gorka outlined his vision for counter-terrorism policy. 'What we are doing right now is preparing the new US counter-terrorism strategy, refocusing on the real cause of jihadism, which is the ideology of jihad,' he said. Formal recognition of the threat from modern white supremacist terrorism by the US government came during Trump's first administration. A number of deadly attacks around the world, from Christchurch, New Zealand, to El Paso, Texas, to Halle, Germany, highlighted the growing danger of an increasingly globally interconnected far right who were united by a shared belief in 'great replacement' conspiracy theories, which stoke fears of immigrants of color outnumbering populations in white-majority countries. Speaking before Congress in 2020 Chris Wray, then the FBI chief, for the first time identified white supremacist violence as the top domestic terror threat. The US intelligence community put out a report last year identifying white supremacist or neo-Nazi extremists as among the top global terror threats. Getting the state department to care about the threat from the global far right was initially an uphill battle, sources told the Guardian. Even as coming cuts suggest resources will be taken away from that threat, it hasn't gone away. This week, German police arrested teen members of a far-right terrorist cell on suspicion of targeting migrants and political opponents in attacks with the broader goal of destabilizing democracy. Police say that the cell was part of an organization called Last Defence Wave, which organized across 70 chat groups around Germany. Authorities in Brazil recently said that they foiled a planned bomb attack on Lady Gaga's concert by a far-right anti-LGBTQ+ hate group. And some officials at the state department fear that far-right terrorist groups are becoming emboldened in light of the Trump administration, pivoting attention away from them. For example, the US neo-Nazi group The Base, whose leader is based in Russia, appears to be looking to ramp up violence overseas, recently calling for targeted attacks in Ukraine. One official characterized the cuts to violence prevention programs at the state department, including those that work on the threat from the far right, as 'excessive and careless reduction in government' that 'will make us less safe'.
