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Critical need for gender-responsive climate policies at COP30 to bridge gender gaps
Critical need for gender-responsive climate policies at COP30 to bridge gender gaps

Daily Maverick

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • Daily Maverick

Critical need for gender-responsive climate policies at COP30 to bridge gender gaps

Gender-responsive policy is vital for climate resilience, but that requires actionable and better resourced plans. Women and girls make up 80% of people displaced by climate change, leaving them at risk of increased poverty, violence and exploitation. They are also much more likely than men to be injured or killed in natural disasters because gender inequalities have created discrepancies in healthcare, access to information, resources and decision making. Climate change also amplifies existing gender inequalities, intensifying the vulnerabilities of those who are already disadvantaged. Gender-responsive climate policies are therefore vital for building resilience and ensuring transformative and effective climate action. Integrated responses are required to address these deeply linked issues. However, no country in the world is on course to achieve the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals' gender equality targets. These goals are critical for climate resilience and could enable women to help their communities withstand the impacts of climate change. At the 2024 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP29), states agreed that a comprehensive Gender Action Plan would be developed at this year's COP30 in Belém, Brazil. They also agreed to extend the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change's Lima Work Programme, set up in 2014 to address climate and gender at the intergovernmental level. The programme recognises that climate justice requires addressing environmental and social inequities, positioning women as vital agents of change. Although valuable, the Lima Work Programme has struggled to deliver due to insufficient resources and limited integration of gender across the convention. Persistent issues include inconsistent representation of women in Framework Convention on Climate Change processes and COP delegations, and limited implementation support for developing countries. Gender Climate Tracker shows that since 2008, no COP has achieved equal gender representation and participation in delegations. At COP29, only 35% of all country delegates were women, suggesting systemic barriers in achieving gender equality in climate negotiations. Another setback at COP29 was the pushback against language on human rights, intersectionality, and recognising the diversity of women's experiences. Egypt, Iran, Russia and Saudi Arabia opposed the use of gender-inclusive language and sought to ensure binary distinctions, limiting any wording that could reference lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and other (LGBTQ+) people. These disagreements reflect a complex global rollback on human rights and gender, including at UN events. COP must also grapple with the tension between what some countries consider progressive and others see as controversial or unacceptable. In addition, some Nationally Determined Contributions outlined specific gender-related commitments, while others made general references or excluded them entirely. These differences undermine consensus, making it difficult for states to align their ambition, language and scope of action at COP. Africa faces severe climate risks, which hit women and girls hardest, especially in rural and conflict-affected areas. This underscores the importance of Africa's involvement at COP, particularly regarding gender. Despite the continent's growing participation in talks, the African Group of Negotiators lacks a strong position on gender. African delegations face significant financial gaps, limiting their attendance, preparation and meaningful engagement. All states at COP29 urged the Framework Convention on Climate Change secretariat to help ensure that national gender focal points could attend meetings. This kind of support is critical to strengthening Africa's voice at the negotiating table. Before COP30, the African Group of Negotiators is calling for the new Gender Action Plan to respond to Africa's realities on the ground and the needs of vulnerable women and girls. Their recommendations include asking developed states to provide technical and financial means to implement the plan. Technical requests Technical requests include training national gender focal points, enhancing gender data and monitoring systems, supporting the mainstreaming of gender in climate policies, and building capacity for gender impact assessments. Financial requests are for implementing national gender action plans, supporting women's participation in climate negotiations, providing access to climate technologies, and improving women and girls' resilience. The COP29 decision on the Gender Action Plan emphasises the urgency of greater support for developing countries, but lacks financial and enforcement mechanisms to deliver it. Without dedicated funding for implementation, the plan will remain aspirational, especially for developing countries. For a COP aiming to negotiate ambitious finance goals, Baku missed the opportunity to ensure arrangements to fund the plan, with clear, measurable targets. The New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) is a climate finance agreement that aims to raise at least$300-billion a year by 2035 to support developing countries' climate action. While it says climate finance must benefit women and other marginalised groups, the agreement is not legally binding. That, together with the lack of accountability measures, makes the New Collective Quantified Goal's call for 'scaled-up support' a mere ambition for developing countries. Billed as the 'People's COP', Belém is expected to centre the voices and needs of local and indigenous communities. But to make a difference, the Gender Action Plan needs measurable targets with a dedicated funding mechanism. Gender must be elevated from a peripheral issue to a cross-cutting issue incorporated across key COP30 outcomes, particularly the Nationally Determined Contributions, just transition and adaptation. In the lead-up to COP30, stronger internal coordination in the African Group of Negotiators is needed to present a clear position with a coherent message that centres Africa's priorities. The group must push for gender to be integrated across COP agenda items, asking the Framework Convention on Climate Change secretariat to support this. This will require African negotiators to be supported with the technical expertise and staffing to meaningfully engage in Framework Convention on Climate Change processes, especially as negotiations become more technical and focused on outcomes. DM

The Brief – The new climate target will take compromise and cash. In abundance
The Brief – The new climate target will take compromise and cash. In abundance

Euractiv

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • Euractiv

The Brief – The new climate target will take compromise and cash. In abundance

Today's edition is powered by NetworkNature Choose Nature: NetworkNature Annual Event 2025 Choose Nature on 16 September in Brussels to explore how Nature-based Solutions can align biodiversity and the economy in times of urgency. Engage with diverse stakeholders and discover pathways toward a resilient future for people and the planet. Learn more. Register. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- It's easy to grow complacent – cynical, even – about climate action at the political level. Anyone who was at the COP29 climate conference in Baku last year – as I was – will have sensed the futility of governments wrangling over what seem like pennies, given what's at stake. Added to which the US, which had already ramped up oil and gas production to world record levels under the Biden administration, has pulled out of the Paris Agreement. But without the luxury of oil and gas reserves, Europe is now asking if it can afford to replace gas from the east with gas from the leaky fracking fields of America. The proposed 2040 target implies a more profound choice: one between import dependency and missing the target, or accelerating the green transition. Seventeen years after Europe's first emissions reduction target was set in law, the appetite for fossil fuels remains high, thanks to the failure to insulate homes, switch heat pumps for gas boilers, or halt the rise of emissions from road transport. The scale of investment now needed is beyond any New Deal or Marshall Plan, or the bank bailouts that followed the 2008 financial crisis. It took a war with real bullets for Europe's champion of frugality to tear off its self-imposed fiscal straightjacket. Will that logic – coupled with a pooling of European debt, which has only ever happened in the face of a global pandemic – be replicated to reach the 90% target? The fossil fuel industry will have to back up its talk of "blue" hydrogen and sequestering billions of tonnes of CO2 underground with serious investment of its own. The greening of the financial system will have to be accelerated, and questions may have to be asked about the pursuit of shareholder value, boardroom bonuses and GDP growth. There is, of course, a risk that progress will be hampered by entrenched political ideologies. For the populist right – and increasingly parties on the traditional conservative centre – positions against climate action are part of a hymn sheet that includes opposition to immigration, culture wars on issues like sexuality, and asserting motorists' right to monopolise city streets. These issues need to be dealt with separately. Progress will also require greens and left-wingers to reach across the political divide – and perhaps ask themselves why they have lost much of their traditional voter base to the right. Plenty of public and political figures in Europe still claim that climate change is – as Trump would have it – bullshit. Kurt Wilders' Freedom Party won the Dutch election after dismissing climate action as 'unaffordable madness'. The disingenuous polemics and spin will have to stop, and a certain gravitas must be injected back into politics. The Roundup As expected, the Commission has settled on a proposal to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 90% compared to 1990 levels. But critics highlighted a lack of ambition as carbon credits allow governments to outsource emissions cuts. Resistance to regional funding changes – Fourteen EU countries want 'a stand-alone Cohesion Policy' to be preserved in the EU's next budget, as the Commission prepares to unveil its proposal for the next long-term budget. Von der Flyin' – The Commission President took 16 private jet trips in 2024, drawing criticism from opponents. Across Europe Talks about a shared vision for the archipelago's future are being held in Paris , more than a year after deadly riots plunged the overseas territory into crisis. Where energy interests and migrant crossings intersect – Greece is facing a sharp spike in migrant arrivals from Libya just as Ankara and Tripoli step up energy exploration near Crete – fuelling fears of geopolitical coercion and escalating tensions in the eastern Mediterranean. Poland, pharma, promotion – The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has delivered a landmark judgment, ruling that Poland's longstanding ban on pharmacy advertising violates EU law.

Eco Forum Global Guiyang 2025 to drive green transformation
Eco Forum Global Guiyang 2025 to drive green transformation

The Sun

time5 days ago

  • Business
  • The Sun

Eco Forum Global Guiyang 2025 to drive green transformation

GUIYANG: The Guizhou Provincial Government has confirmed that the Eco Forum Global Guiyang 2025 will take place from July 5 to 6 in Guiyang, China. The event, approved by the State Council, will centre on 'Harmonious Coexistence between Humans and Nature – Discussing Global Development and Green Transformation.' Organised by the People's Government of Guizhou Province, the forum is expected to welcome around 800 delegates. As China's only national and international platform dedicated to eco-civilisation, the event has gained global recognition over its 12 previous editions. This year's forum aims to foster dialogue, partnerships, and actionable solutions in sustainable development and ecological governance. The agenda includes an opening ceremony, thematic forums, off-site visits, green investment promotions, and showcases of new environmental technologies. A key highlight is the expanded role of international organisations, marking the first major collaboration since 2018. Out of 20 thematic forums, 11 will involve international participation, with four independently hosted by global entities. The forum aligns with major climate initiatives, addressing themes from COP16 and COP29. It will emphasise climate change mitigation, biodiversity conservation, and practical cooperation. China plans to share its eco-civilisation and green transformation experiences, particularly with Global South nations, to strengthen sustainable development ties. The event also aims to tackle three critical environmental challenges through collective action. Guizhou is positioning itself as a hub for green innovation, seeking to attract investment and drive high-quality development.

Eco Forum Global Guiyang 2025 To Focus On Green Transformation
Eco Forum Global Guiyang 2025 To Focus On Green Transformation

Barnama

time5 days ago

  • Business
  • Barnama

Eco Forum Global Guiyang 2025 To Focus On Green Transformation

KUALA LUMPUR, June 30 (Bernama) -- The Guizhou Provincial Government has announced that the Eco Forum Global Guiyang 2025 will be convened from July 5 to 6 in the provincial capital of Guiyang, following approval by the State Council of China. Hosted by the People's Government of Guizhou Province, the two-day event will carry the theme "Harmonious Coexistence between Humans and Nature – Discussing Global Development and Green Transformation" and is expected to draw approximately 800 delegates, according to a statement. As China's sole national and international forum focused on the theme of eco-civilisation, the Eco Forum Global Guiyang has steadily built its profile over the course of 12 previous editions, earning growing attention on the global stage. Organisers aim to position this year's iteration as a dynamic platform for dialogue, partnership, and actionable outcomes, particularly in the realm of sustainable development and ecological governance. Preparations for the forum are reportedly progressing in an orderly fashion, with a rich programme of activities scheduled, including the opening ceremony, thematic forums, off-site visits, promotional displays, green investment promotion, and the debut of new environmental protection products and technologies. Notably, this year marks a significant step forward in international collaboration. For the first time since 2018, international organisations will play a substantive role in shaping the forum's agenda. Of the 20 planned thematic forums, 11 will feature participation by international entities, with four forums to be independently hosted by these organisations. The forum also serves as an extension of China's engagement with major multilateral climate processes. It is expected to respond to key themes arising from global environmental conferences such as COP16 and COP29, with a focus on practical cooperation in areas including climate change mitigation and biodiversity conservation. A core objective of the 2025 edition is to share China's experience in eco-civilisation and green transformation, particularly with developing nations across the Global South, reinforcing cooperation in sustainable development. The forum also seeks to catalyse global efforts to address what it identifies as the three pressing environmental challenges. Through this initiative, Guizhou is positioning itself as a hub for international green collaboration and innovation, seeking to 'pool wisdom' and 'attract investment', empowering new quality productivity and high-quality development.

Are Country-To-Country Deals The Future Of Climate Finance?
Are Country-To-Country Deals The Future Of Climate Finance?

Forbes

time5 days ago

  • Business
  • Forbes

Are Country-To-Country Deals The Future Of Climate Finance?

This aerial view shows a degraded area of the Amazon rainforest, near the Koatinemo indigenous land, ... More in Para state, Brazil, on June 12, 2025. (Photo by Carlos FABAL / AFP) (Photo by CARLOS FABAL/AFP via Getty Images) The path to COP30 in Brazil has begun with preparatory talks in Bonn, Germany, where climate finance remains the central issue. Negotiators are working to find financing mechanisms that will help developing nations adapt to climate change and transition to cleaner energy sources. To draw new monies, climate discussions must evolve—from offsetting emissions elsewhere to reducing carbon pollution at its source. The U.S.'s absence from these mid-year talks might hint at how tough the road ahead will be. At COP29 in Baku, wealthy nations pledged to provide vulnerable countries with $300 billion annually to help them recover from climate-related damage. But they haven't even met their $100 billion yearly goal at COP21. And the Trump Administration, which withdrew from the talks altogether, has already made it clear that it has no intention of honoring those commitments. In a conversation, Rachel Rose Jackson of Corporate Accountability didn't mince words: 'The Global North has absolutely no intention of delivering this debt. There is little evidence that carbon markets have led to proven and lasting emissions reductions. They are a dangerous distraction from real solutions. Corporations must be legally required to reduce emissions at source—they can't self-regulate their way to climate responsibility.' The need for money is staggering. The UNFCCC concludes that developing countries must raise $6 trillion by 2030 to fulfill their promises under the Paris Agreement. Yet many wealthy nations continue to lean on a patchwork of carbon markets—tools that allow them to finance rainforest preservation while continuing to emit greenhouse gases at home. Former U.S. climate envoy John Kerry put it bluntly: 138 countries, responsible for less than 1% of annual CO2 emissions, are at the mercy of just 20 nations that account for 80% of the total. The voluntary carbon market (VCM) has long been a go-to option for the developed world—a cheaper, politically safer path than direct contributions to emerging economies. While the industry is working hard to revamp its procedures, the model faces mounting scrutiny. A review by Corporate Accountability found that 39 of 50 VCM projects lacked environmental integrity; the remainder were problematic or unverifiable. In short, buying offsets is easier and cheaper than making emissions cuts. I've served as the Coalition for Rainforest Nations editor, concentrating on sovereign carbon credits issued by countries, not private interests. Erosion Of Faith TOPSHOT - An Indian man takes a shower as water leaks from a pipeline in New Delhi on June 6, 2017. ... More - Temperatures are hovering around 45 degrees Celsius (113 degrees Fahrenheit) in the Indian capital, with the cooler monsoon season still weeks away. (Photo by MONEY SHARMA / AFP) (Photo by MONEY SHARMA/AFP via Getty Images) As faith has eroded, so has value. Nature-based offset prices have plummeted from $10–15 per ton just a few years ago to $3–$6 in 2024–2025. Major buyers like Nestlé, Gucci, and Shell have exited the market, citing concerns over reputational risk and questionable methodologies. The Global South feels hopeless. Will these nations ever be compensated for protecting tropical forests that absorb carbon emissions— produced mainly by the Global North? Reform efforts are underway. The Integrity Council for the Voluntary Carbon Market has introduced a two-phase vetting system focused on governance and scientific rigor. The goal is to rebuild trust and distinguish high-integrity credits that could attract renewed investment. 'No one can guarantee it will be perfect,' Nat Keohane, a senior adviser to the council, told me. 'But we can help the market and build confidence.' If successful, the council believes the VCM could scale to $20 billion–$50 billion annually by 2030; carbon credit prices could be $25 to $30 a ton. Used wisely, these funds could help preserve rainforests, support green transitions, and provide new revenue streams to developing nations committed to protecting carbon sinks. Carbon credits are not a silver bullet—but they can provide near-term capital as countries and companies decarbonize. Their role is inherently transitional, especially in hard-to-abate sectors like heavy industry or cloud computing. I reported on Microsoft, which holds a majority stake in OpenAI and relies on extensive server farms. To offset those emissions, it is investing in reforestation projects in Panama. However, this gaping void presents a new opportunity for both the developed and developing worlds to devise new techniques for attracting carbon finance. A more promising approach is for the wealthier nations to engage in bilateral pacts. These country-to-country deals are carried out under Article 6.2 of the Paris Agreement. This provision allows nations to fund climate projects abroad and count the resulting emissions reductions toward their climate goals, provided that strict rules are followed to prevent double-counting of the same carbon credit. The Clock Is Ticking The Scarlet Macaw, Ara macao, is a large, colorful parrot found from Mexico to Brazil. This flock ... More was photographed in Costa Rica. (Photo by: Jon G. Fuller/VW Pics/Universal Images Group via Getty Images) Switzerland has signed carbon credit cooperation agreements with Ghana, Peru, Thailand, Morocco, and Vietnam. Sweden is working on the entire African continent through its Energy Agency and in partnership with the UN Development Program. Specifically, it is funding a $28.2 million initiative to help Kenya meet its climate goals. 'Kenya pursues progressive environmental policies and has set ambitious climate goals, but needs financial support to accelerate its climate transition,' says Sweden's Ambassador to Kenya, Caroline Vicini, in a release. Other countries are exploring alternative paths. Ecuador, Belize, and Gabon are restructuring national debt in exchange for conservation. Norway and Germany, meanwhile, are bypassing carbon markets altogether and making direct payments for forest protection. Norway alone has pledged $1 billion to Brazil's Amazon Fund and to Indonesia, with payments tied to verifiable emissions reductions. Still, the question remains: can these new financing mechanisms scale fast enough? For poorer nations, this is not a matter of convenience but survival. Carbon markets, bilateral agreements, and direct aid offer potential pathways; however, the urgency demands that they be ratcheted up now. Panama's Minister of the Environment, Juan Carlos Navarro, told me that climate change presents the ultimate accountability dilemma: it's everyone's responsibility, which means no one is truly accountable — not even the United States, the world's second-largest CO2 polluter. The stakes could not be higher. Climate change is already reshaping our world from supercharged hurricanes to sweeping wildfires and historic floods. For the poorest nations, climate finance is not a luxury—it is a lifeline. These countries did not create the crisis. But they are counting on the rest of us to help solve it, requiring innovative tools to lure carbon finance.

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