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The Hindu
7 days ago
- Business
- The Hindu
India needs a ‘defence cess' to fund military modernisation
In a world increasingly defined by stealth drones, hypersonic glide vehicles, and algorithmic warfare, India cannot afford to rely on ageing jets, delayed imports, and peacetime assumptions. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh has said peace is nothing but an illusion, and India must be prepared for any uncertainty. Unfortunately, the only certainty in the current geopolitical scenario is uncertainty. With India's stance on the Indus Water Treaty and clear policy of treating every future terror attack as an act of war, the frequency of confrontations with Pakistan will only rise. As witnessed in the previous two confrontations, air power will again take centre stage. But the strategic context will be even more challenging. Pakistan is set to acquire the J20 or J35 stealth aircraft from China. China itself is experimenting with sixth-generation prototypes. India, in contrast, remains nearly a decade away from deploying its own fifth-generation platform. The Indian Air Force today operates 32 squadrons as against the sanctioned strength of 42. While India's combat aircraft are competent, capability alone is not enough. In an increasingly contested and complex airspace, the country cannot afford to be vulnerable. Therefore, modernising India's armed forces as a whole, especially the Air Force, is no longer aspirational. It is existential. From indigenous engine development to electronic warfare systems and strategic drone fleets, the road map is clear. What remains uncertain is not the intent but the pathway to sustained and ring-fenced funding. The Indian economy has the size and strength to support this. But money without direction and foresight without political will and execution is futile. Poor pace, no priority A significant portion of government spending today is absorbed in routine expenses. What is left is often spread thinly across fragmented schemes and incremental projects. The result is that capital acquisition for defence lacks pace and priority. Numbers may appear large on paper, but intent should be measured not in allocations, but outcomes. Hence, what is required is a distinct and emotionally resonant defence cess as a standalone national contribution dedicated to strengthening India's defence preparedness. This will not be a tweak to the existing GST regime, but an independent instrument reflecting the country's collective commitment to its armed forces. This cess will mean a 5-10% surcharge on ultra-luxury services and ultra-luxury goods such as high-end cars, imported jewellery, private jets, premium liquor, and other similar indulgent purchases. Unlike existing indirect taxes, this amount will be clearly itemised on invoices as a 'Raksha cess', making it transparent and distinct from the GST framework. The idea is to introduce a visible and voluntary contribution from those engaging in luxury consumption and direct it specifically towards strengthening national defence. It may also blend privilege with purpose which can allow consumers to take part in nation-building by aligning their spending with a larger sense of responsibility. Historically, nations have aligned consumption with contribution. Italy imposed targeted luxury taxes during the Eurozone crisis, linking helicopter and yacht ownership to fiscal solidarity. Sweden continue to use luxury taxation as a subtle expression of economic justice. China went further, turning its anti-extravagance campaign into a national redirection of capital toward strategic industries. Consumption and commitment In the Indian context, this approach will offer a unique psychological and fiscal advantage since it will allow the affluent to contribute to national defence through visible and voluntary patriotism. It will send a message that high-end consumption can coexist with high-end commitment. For the wider public, it will create a moral narrative that those who have benefited the most from India's rise are also visible contributors to its security. It is imperative to note that the strength of the cess will lie not only in its size but also in its clarity. It will be transparent, targeted, and morally intuitive. Most important, it may lead to a behavioural shift. Spending on luxury becomes a visible public act of support for the armed forces. The premium one will pay on a sports car or designer watch will not disappear into a black hole of budget lines. Rather it will be utilised to build the engine of a new fighter jet or fund the software in a new air-defence system. However, implementation must match intent. The cess must be non-lapsable, transparently governed, and explicitly earmarked for capital expenditure in defence. Every rupee collected must be traceable to procurement, research and development, and modernisation. Over time, the cess may evolve from a tax instrument to a national pride programme. This idea may or may not make sense at the moment. But it is time for India to now move from mere accounting, to imagination. India stands at a point where narrative matters, and the cess allows an intersection between narrative and mission to take shape in a manner that is financially sound, politically non-disruptive and socially unifying. India has the means. What it needs is the mechanism. And a message that every luxury comes with legacy, and every indulgence can inspire protection. Sidharth Kapoor is a lawyer and public-policy enthusiast; views are personal
ITV News
26-07-2025
- Sport
- ITV News
Liverpool commission permanent Diogo Jota tribute at Anfield
Liverpool Football Club has commissioned a sculpture to be made in honour of Diogo Jota outside Anfield after thousands of floral tributes to their No.20 were gradually removed in recent days. Portugal and Liverpool forward Jota and his brother Andre Silva, who played for Portuguese second division club Penafiel, died in a car crash on 3 July in the Spanish province of Zamora. Liverpool retired Jota's number 20 shirt in tribute, across all levels of the club, including LFC Women and the Academy. The planned sculpture will be made by recycling items left outside Anfield since his death by fans paying their respects. It will become a permanent memorial sculpture that will become a future focal point of remembrance at Anfield. Floral tributes are to be composted and used in flower beds across all club sites, including Anfield, the AXA Training Centre and AXA Melwood Training Centre. In the meantime, a temporary area of reflection has been created at Anfield so people can continue to pay their respects. Liverpool are planning a fan mosaic and a minute's silence at the opening Premier League home game against Bournemouth on 15 August. Fans can also pay tribute at the pre-season game against Atletico Bilbao on 4 August at Anfield, while players' shirts will have a "'Diogo J 20" patch for their two pre-season games in Asia. And the Reds players will wear a specially-designed patch with 'Diogo J 20' stitched on in memory of their team-mate across the two games in the Far East, starting with AC Milan at the Kai Tak Stadium on Saturday evening (12.30pm UK time). A floral tribute will also be laid before kick-off at the pre-season games in Hong Kong, Tokyo and Anfield. The LFC Foundation has also committed to creating a grassroots football programme in the Jota's name. Meanwhile, the Football Association will hold talks with Liverpool before planning a tribute to Jota at the Community Shield at Wembley on 10 August. In addition, the club have said if supporters want to honour Jota by having "Diogo J 20" on the back of their shirts, then the profits of the purchases will go to the LFC Foundation, the club's charity.
Yahoo
09-07-2025
- Yahoo
China's Two-Seat J-20 Stealth Fighter Poised To Enter Operational Service
A flurry of new images showing the two-seat variant of China's J-20 stealth fighter has emerged online. As well as providing new views of the two-seater, which also now wears a darker paint scheme, recent imagery published on Chinese social media reveals the progress being made in other fighter programs, including the J-35 family of carrier-based and land-based stealth fighters. It has been widely assumed that the appearance of the latest imagery of the J-20S is related to this version of the stealth jet having recently entered operational service or being poised to do so. At least one photo that emerged this month has been suggested as being an indication of operational service, with the J-20S aircraft in question wearing national insignia as well as five-digit serials associated with a frontline People's Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) unit, specifically the 172nd Air Brigade. While the J-20S was officially unveiled at the Zhuhai Airshow last year, there are rumors that it might be publicly unveiled as an operational PLAAF asset in September of this year, when the service marks the 80th anniversary of Japan's defeat in World War II. Rumors that a two-seat version of the J-20 was under development first emerged in early 2018, and the existence of the aircraft was confirmed beyond doubt by October 2021, when a prototype was noted undertaking high-speed taxi tests, as we reported at the time. To accommodate a second crewmember, the J-20's forward fuselage was redesigned. The aircraft also has enlarged tailfins and was powered from the start by locally developed WS-10C turbofan engines. With no equivalent two-seat stealth fighter in any Western inventory, the exact purpose of the J-20 has long been a source of debate. Some early assessments suggested it might be intended for electronic warfare, although this mission set is now very much the realm of the J-16D, a Chinese version of the Sukhoi Flanker multirole fighter. Of course, this could change in the future. Some kind of 'mini airborne command and control aircraft' was also a suggestion for the two-seat J-20S. More recent analysis suggests, which matches TWZ's original analysis, is that at least a significant portion of the stealth jet's mission might be in support of a growing fleet of PLAAF drones. This is a concept we have discussed in the past and which would essentially see the second crewmember control, to varying degrees, 'loyal wingman'-type drones that would accompany crewed J-20s and other aircraft into battle. In this way, the drones could fly deeper into hostile airspace, clearing a way through air defenses, for example, or otherwise supporting the crewed assets. The same concept is apparently already being explored by the PLAAF using modified J-16 fighters. The U.S. is moving full steam ahead with its own Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) loyal wingman drone plans, as well. So far one of the best Images of a PLAAF J-20S — @Rupprecht_A (@RupprechtDeino) July 8, 2025 Since the first flight of the J-20S prototype in November 2021, at least five other prototypes have appeared, the most recent emerging in March of this year. Presuming that the new J-20S imagery shows the jet in its definitive production form, then there are several features that are worthy of note. First, the nosecone has been reprofiled compared with earlier J-20S aircraft. This suggests that it now accommodates the same radar found in the J-20A, the improved single-seat version of the stealth jet. While unconfirmed, there are rumors that the active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar in the J-20A could feature gallium nitride (GaN) semiconductors. Compared with previous technology, GaN generates less heat and has the capacity to operate at higher voltages, meaning that output power can be increased, while component size can be reduced.威龙系列来源 @铁皮摄影师/wb — Húrin (@Hurin92) July 5, 2025 As well as an apparent new radar, the latest J-20S is fitted with an improved type of electro-optical system below the nose. Very similar to the F-35's Electro-Optical Targeting System (EOTS), this news system offers 360-degree coverage, and may also be of the same variety as fitted in the single-seat J-20A. The J-20's original electro-optical system had a limited field of view and reduced capability set, which you can read about in this past piece of ours. The second picture shows the export – version EOTS – 86 exhibited by China in 2017. Because the military considered that the core of the J – 20 should be focused on air combat, this version of EOTS was abandoned. — Andong (@andong41739) July 6, 2025 Finally, the J-20S now wears a paint camouflage scheme, with most of the airframe painted in a dark-gray finish, close to black. This is absent from the leading and trailing edges of the control surfaces, the intake 'lips,' and the radome. While unconfirmed, this might indicate a new type of radar-absorbent coating to enhance the aircraft's low-observable characteristics. Taken together, these developments indicate that China has been refining the J-20S ahead of its operational service entry and before production ramps up, although it remains to be seen what kind of force mix is planned for the single- and two-seat J-20 versions, let alone the smaller J-35A. As for the J-35, some new imagery has also emerged of the carrier-based version of the jet. In particular, we now have a much better look at the arrester hook that's fitted on the navalized J-35 version, to allow it to make carrier landings. In a recent Chinese TV report, a J-35 can be seen in the back of a construction hall, still wearing primer, with the black-and-white hook extended. If I'm not mistaken then this is the first time we see the tail-hook. — @Rupprecht_A (@RupprechtDeino) July 8, 2025 Meanwhile, recent imagery showing the J-35 in the air reveals the tidy low-observable housing for its arrester hook, which is entirely concealed between the engines when not deployed. This is a bit different arrangement to the F-35C's hook that has a shroud attached to it. While much attention has rightfully been placed on China's sixth-generation jets, two of which are now under test, for the PLAAF, the J-20 remains the most important tactical jet program, while the future of the J-35 is coming clearer into view. At the very least, these latest images reinforce just how central the J-20 remains when it comes to the service's burgeoning ambitions. Contact the author: thomas@
South China Morning Post
11-06-2025
- Science
- South China Morning Post
China's J-20 stealth fighter's radar leap credited to semiconductors expert Xu Xiangang
China's J-20 stealth fighter has tripled its radar detection range, thanks to semiconductor advancements over the past two decades led by Shandong University scientist Xu Xiangang, according to the university. A silicon-carbide (SiC) semiconductor material developed by Xu's team had powered a threefold increase in the detection range of phased array radar systems, allowing Chinese radars to swiftly detect enemies and gain the first-mover advantage, the university said on its social media page. 'From the J-20's on-board systems to advanced weaponry, this 'Chinese chip' is crucial for national security,' the May 30 post said. 'It enhances the range of Chinese radars, improves missile accuracy and boosts the power of laser weapons, making it an indispensable 'hardcore shield' in defence technology.' The J-20, also known as the Mighty Dragon, is a twin-engine stealth fighter viewed as China's answer to America's F-22 'Raptor'. It officially entered active service in March 2017. Xu, who is dean of the university's Institute of Novel Semiconductors, said it was important for researchers to address the country's needs.
Yahoo
29-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
US and China struggle for dominance as officials meet for Shangri-La Dialogue
China does not want to go to war with anyone, especially the US. But Beijing does have aspirations to be the number one economic power in the world. And that means flexing its muscles to rid the seas around East and South East Asia of their US military presence, so it can dominate the shipping lanes so vital for global trade. By building up its nuclear and conventional arsenals, China aims to show the US that times have changed and that it's too dangerous a power to challenge. The US has long had the upper hand in the Asia-Pacific - with tens of thousands of troops based in Japan and South Korea, alongside several military bases. Trump's administration has clearly focused its energy on countering China - by initiating a trade war and seeking to strengthen alliances with Asian nations. The Shangri-La Dialogue has historically been the setting for top-level encounters between the US and China – an arena for the superpowers to set out their vision for security in the region. And it's opening again in Singapore on Friday. Here's what we can expect from the three-day event: The growing struggle for dominance between the US and China is undoubtedly the biggest issue in Asia-Pacific security. Gone are the days when China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) was characterised by outdated weaponry and rigid Maoist doctrine. Today it is a formidable force deploying state-of-the-art hypersonic missiles and fifth-generation warplanes like the J20. Its navy has the largest number of warships in the world, outstripping the United States. While China lags far behind the US and Russia in its number of nuclear warheads, it is rapidly expanding its nuclear arsenal, with missiles that can travel up to 15,000km, putting the continental US easily within range. The US Navy's formidable 7th Fleet, based in Yokosuka, just south of Tokyo, can no longer claim to have guaranteed naval supremacy in the region. China's array of Dong Feng missiles and swarms of explosive drones would make any approach to its shores extremely hazardous for US warships. Ultimately, Beijing is believed to be working to "push" the US military out of the western Pacific. Taiwan is a liberal, self-governing, pro-Western island democracy that China's President Xi Jinping has vowed to "take back" by force if necessary. It has an economic importance well beyond its geographic small size. It manufactures more than 90% of the world's high-end microchips, the all-important semi-conductors that power so much of our tech. Recent opinion polls have made clear that a majority of Taiwanese people do not want to be ruled by Beijing, but Xi has made this a key policy aim. The US has done much to help Taiwan bolster its defences but the key question of whether Washington would go to war with China over Taiwan has always been shrouded in something called "strategic ambiguity", i.e. keeping Beijing guessing. On more than one occasion President Biden indicated the US would respond militarily in the event of a Chinese attack on Taiwan. But the return of Donald Trump to the Oval Office has brought back a degree of uncertainty. There are also major concerns in the region over China's attempts to turn the entire South China Sea into what some have called a "Chinese lake". The PLA Navy has established military bases on reefs, many artificially dredged, across the strategically important South China Sea, an area through which an estimated $3 trillion's worth of maritime trade passes annually. Today China deploys a vast, industrial fishing fleet across the South China Sea, backed by its fleet of coastguard ships and warships. These vessels clash frequently with Filipino fishermen, fishing close to their own country's shores. China frequently challenges planes and ships transiting the South China Sea, warning them they are entering Chinese territory without permission, when the rest of the world considers this to be international waters. Donald Trump, when asked during his first presidency if North Korea could ever develop nuclear missiles that could reach the continental United States, vowed "it's never going to happen". But it has. In what amounts to a serious CIA intelligence failure, Pyongyang has demonstrated that it now possesses both the nuclear know-how and the means to deliver those warheads across the Pacific Ocean. Successive US presidencies have failed to curb North Korea's nuclear ambitions and this isolated, economically backward yet militarily powerful nation is thought to have at least 20 nuclear warheads. It also has an enormous, well-armed army, some of which its autocratic leader Kim Jong Un has sent to help Russia fight Ukraine. Defence analysts are still dissecting the recent, brief but alarming conflict between these two nuclear-armed neighbours. India's military far outnumbers Pakistan's and yet the latter was allegedly able to land an embarrassing blow against India's air force, when Pakistan's Chinese-made J10-C jets went up against India's advanced, French-made Rafales. Pakistan reportedly shot down at least one of the Indian warplanes, using Chinese-made PL-15 air-to-air missiles. The reports were denied in India's media. China's assistance to Pakistan in the conflict has reportedly been critical to Islamabad, including repositioning its satellites to provide it with real-time intelligence. Both India and Pakistan are expected to make high-level addresses at the Shangri-La Dialogue this weekend while the US and others will be looking for ways to prevent a repeat of their clash over Kashmir. All of this is happening in a dramatically changed US context. Donald Trump's sudden imposition of trade tariffs, while eventually modified, has caused many in the region to rethink their reliance on Washington. Would an ally that is prepared to inflict so much economic pain on its friends really come to their aid if they were attacked? China has been quick to capitalise on the confusion. It reached out to neighbours such as Vietnam - a country it went to war with in 1979 - to point out the People's Republic represented stability and continuity in an unstable world. Under the previous US administration, Washington signed up to a multi-billion dollar trilateral partnership between the US, UK and Australia under the acronym of Aukus. It aims to not only build Canberra's next generation of submarines but to guarantee freedom of navigation across the South China Sea using intelligence and naval force deployed by the three nations. President Trump, when asked in February about his commitment to the AUKUS pact, appeared not to recognise the term, asking in reply: "What does that mean?" But early this Saturday morning the US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth will be addressing the Shangri-La Dialogue, potentially offering some clarity on AUKUS as well as how the US plans to work with, and quite possibly against, China's interests across the Asia-Pacific region. Trump administration to 'aggressively' revoke visas of Chinese students Relief on China's factory floors as US tariffs put on hold Trump's chips strategy: The US will struggle to take on Asia China says it is ready for 'any type of war' with US
