Latest news with #UNHCR
CTV News
15 hours ago
- Politics
- CTV News
Homeland Security is removing protections that kept some Afghans from deportation
Afghan refugees who returned after fleeing Iran to escape deportation and conflict line up at a UNHCR facility near the Islam Qala crossing in western Herat province, Afghanistan, on Friday, June 20, 2025. (AP Photo/Omid Haqjoo) WASHINGTON — Temporary measures that allowed nearly 12,000 Afghans to work in the U.S. and be protected from deportation are expiring Monday as part of the Trump administration's efforts to make more people eligible for removal from the country. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security in May said it was ending Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for 11,700 people from Afghanistan in 60 days. That status had allowed them to work and meant the government couldn't deport them. The number of Afghans protected by TPS is relatively small compared to the overall number of Afghans — about 180,000 — who have fled Afghanistan and come to the U.S. since the Taliban retook control of the country in 2021. It's also not clear how many of those 11,7000 covered by TPS have applied for or received other forms of protection like asylum that would keep them from being deported after Monday. But the removal of the protective status for Afghans has struck a chord with many advocates and volunteers because of the suggestion that it is safe for Afghans — many who helped the U.S. during its two-decade long war there — to go home. 'Since so many of those losing their protections served alongside U.S. forces, we should honor that service by upholding our promise to provide safety and ensure that they have an opportunity to thrive here. We urge Congress to protect Afghans by providing them permanent status – a commitment that is long overdue," Jennie Murray, President and CEO of the National Immigration Forum, said in a news release Monday. At the time that Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem ended the temporary protected status for Afghans, the department wrote in the decision that the situation in their home country was getting better. 'The Secretary determined that, overall, there are notable improvements in the security and economic situation such that requiring the return of Afghan nationals to Afghanistan does not pose a threat to their personal safety due to armed conflict or extraordinary and temporary conditions,' according to the May announcement. Temporary Protected Status can be granted by the U.S. Homeland Security secretary to people of various nationalities who are in the United States. They can't be deported and can work legally but they don't have a pathway to citizenship. The status is inherently precarious because it is up to the U.S. Homeland Security secretary to renew the protections regularly — usually every 18 months. The first Trump administration tried to remove many of these temporary protected statuses but was largely foiled by the courts. This time around, the Trump administration has moved even more aggressively to remove the protections, thus making more people eligible for removal from the country. The administration has pushed to remove temporary protected status from people from seven countries with Venezuela and Haiti making up the biggest chunk of the hundreds of thousands of people losing their protections. Critics say that successive administrations essentially rubber-stamped these renewals regardless, and people covered by what's supposed to be a temporary status end up staying in the United States for years. CASA, a nonprofit immigrant advocates group, sued the administration over the TPS revocation for Afghans as well as for people from Cameroon - those expire August 4. A federal judge last Friday allowed the lawsuit to go forward but didn't grant CASA's request to keep the protections in place while the lawsuit plays out. Rebecca Santana, The Associated Press
Al Taghyeer
15 hours ago
- Politics
- Al Taghyeer
Ugandan troops deployed following autopsy and burial of slain Sudanese refugee
The body of Sudanese refugee, Kabashi Idris Kafi, who was killed in a violent attack on refugee settlement, Saturday evening, was laid to rest in Kiryandongo camp, Bwera district, following submission of an official autopsy report signed by the UNHCR, the Ugandan police, and the Office of the Prime Minister. Kampala: Altaghyeer Sudanese community in Kiryandongo refugee camp in Uganda organized a funeral on Sunday evening for Kabashi Idris Kafi who was killed in a violent attack launched by the Nuer community of South Sudan on Saturday evening. The funeral was organised amid strict security measures and deployment of the Ugandan army around the refugee areas. More than 50 other Sudanese refugees were wounded in the attack which is the second wave of violence within the last few days. This camp hosts thousands of Sudanese who fled the ongoing war in their country. Meanwhile, the Ugandan authorities on Sunday held a meeting with the leaders of the Sudanese refugee community and leaders from the Nuer community resulting in a package of security and administrative measures to contain the situation. The meeting was chaired by the district governor, with the participation of the army commander, police and security leaders, and officials from the UNHCR, alongside representatives from organizations working in Uganda, and leaders from the Sudanese refugee community and the Nuer community. The meeting approved several measures, most notably imposing a dusk to dawn curfew, 7 pm to 7 am, and deploying units of the Ugandan army inside the settlements, head of the Sudanese refugee community, Hussein Hashem Timan, said in statements. Timan confirmed that the Nuer community leaders showed full cooperation with the authorities to arrest those involved in the attack, and acknowledged that the crisis resulted from disputes over agricultural land used by Sudanese refugees. Some Nuer community leaders noted that a segment of their youth felt uneasy about the privileges enjoyed by Sudanese inside the camp, especially regarding the agricultural land.
Kuwait Times
16 hours ago
- Business
- Kuwait Times
Namaa Charity, UNHCR ink deal to support returning Syrian refugees
Partnership to offer cash grants and promote sustainable resettlement KUWAIT: Namaa Charity, an affiliate of the Social Reform Society, signed a cooperation agreement with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) on Monday, aimed at supporting the reintegration of returning Syrian refugees. The initiative seeks to empower returnees by providing them with cash assistance to help facilitate their safe return and sustainable resettlement in Syria. The agreement was signed by Vice Chairman of the Social Reform Society Mohammad Al-Omar on behalf of Namaa Charity, and UNHCR Representative in Kuwait Nasreen Rabiaan, in the presence of key officials including Ministry of Social Affairs Spokesman Yousef Al-Mutairi. Speaking to KUNA following the signing, Al-Omar said the agreement reflects a strong joint commitment to improving the living conditions of vulnerable Syrian families and easing their transition back into their communities. 'This cooperation is a model of global solidarity, and part of Namaa Charity's mission to support those most in need through developmental and humanitarian initiatives,' he noted. Chairman of the Union of Charitable Societies and Organizations and CEO of Namaa Charity, Saad Al-Otaibi, said the agreement builds on Kuwait's longstanding charitable legacy of aiding affected populations across the globe, particularly those impacted by conflict. 'This partnership is a testament to the trust placed in Kuwait's charitable institutions, thanks to their adherence to legal frameworks and ethical standards,' he said. Al-Otaibi emphasized that the initiative aligns with Kuwait's humanitarian vision, adding that the financial support offered through the agreement will help returning Syrian families achieve economic and social stability. 'It empowers them to rebuild dignified lives based on productivity and self-reliance—goals central to our union's strategic outlook,' he added. UNHCR's Rabiaan described the agreement as timely, coming amid growing numbers of Syrian refugees choosing to return home. 'Cash assistance is one of the most effective forms of support during the initial phase of resettlement,' she said, noting it allows families to meet essential needs such as food, shelter, and transportation. She praised Kuwait's charitable sector for its continued collaboration and commitment to humanitarian causes. Meanwhile, Ministry of Social Affairs Spokesman Yousef Al-Mutairi affirmed the ministry's dedication to advancing the performance and transparency of Kuwaiti charitable work. He noted that recent reforms have strengthened governance, ensured sustainability, and transformed charity from short-term relief to strategic development. 'Humanitarian work today follows a scientific and measurable approach, aligned with strategic planning and global partnership,' Al-Mutairi said. 'We remain committed to supporting collaborations with international and UN agencies to advance humanitarian efforts worldwide.' — KUNA
Focus Malaysia
a day ago
- Politics
- Focus Malaysia
From Sabah to Pancoran: Advancing social inclusion in Southeast Asia
FROM the borderlands of Sabah in East Malaysia to the outskirts of metropolitan Jakarta, in areas like Pancoran, Indonesia, live communities that are erased from the state's imagination. These individuals are born, grow up, work, and contribute to society—but remain unrecognised as citizens. Without legal documents, birth certificates, or access to basic services, they exist in a fragile state: socially present, but legally invisible. In Sabah, it is estimated that over 800,000 residents live without citizenship status. Many are descendants of migrants from Southern Philippines or Indonesia who have resided in Malaysia for generations. Although their children are born on Malaysian soil, they are denied birth registration due to their parents' undocumented status. This results in an inherited cycle of exclusion: they cannot enrol in public schools, access healthcare, or receive legal protection. To the state, they are nobodies. According to UNESCO, stateless children in Southeast Asia are four times more likely to drop out of school than those with full documentation. Meanwhile, a 2023 UNHCR report highlights that stateless groups in Malaysia face significantly higher economic and health vulnerabilities compared to citizens. These figures underscore how administrative exclusion directly contributes to inter-generational structural inequality. A parallel situation exists in Pancoran Buntu II, South Jakarta. Residents who have lived there since the late 1990s and early 2000s are not registered within the country's civil administrative system. Labelled as occupying 'illegal' land, they are denied identity cards (KTP), family cards, and other vital documents. As a result, they are excluded from accessing public healthcare (BPJS), public schools, social assistance, and formal employment—simply because their homes are not officially recognised. Both in Indonesia and Malaysia, the state handles the issue of marginalised communities with rigid administrative or repressive approaches. In Sabah, the government has resorted to mass deportations or leaving people in legal limbo for years. In Jakarta, so-called illegal settlements are frequently targeted for forced evictions under the banner of urban development, with no fair relocation or protection of residents' rights. In both contexts, state responses have exacerbated inequality and moved further away from the principle of social inclusion—an ideal that should underpin all public policy. Instead of embracing diverse forms of life and community, the state reproduces exclusion, rendering many of its people unseen, unheard, and uncounted. Social inclusion is not just about access to services—it is about creating equal spaces for participation, regardless of one's origin, economic status, or administrative identity. People's presence must be acknowledged—not only as recipients of rights, but also as decision-makers. Citizenship politics in Sabah and Pancoran What is striking in both Sabah and Pancoran is not only the state's neglect, but also the communities' collective resilience. Amid structural barriers and legal invisibility, these communities have forged participatory and historically grounded practices of citizenship. In Sabah, stateless communities have set up community-based alternative schools for their children. These institutions, although unregistered in the national system, are vital spaces where children learn to read, write, and engage with the world. They also form economic cooperatives, sports clubs, religious groups, and other social networks that maintain community cohesion and provide tools for survival. These initiatives stem from a shared understanding that active involvement and mutual care are the keys to sustainable collective life. Similarly, in Pancoran Buntu II, residents have created informal learning spaces for children denied access to public schools due to lack of documentation. In the narrow alleyways of their neighbourhood, they organise local futsal leagues, art classes, community discussions, and citizen forums—initiatives that build solidarity and a sense of ownership over their living spaces. Local youth groups organise community activities and defend their neighbourhood from external threats, while also engaging in legal advocacy, administrative assistance, and partnerships with civil society networks to demand formal recognition from the state. These efforts go beyond mere survival—they are cultural and administrative acts of resistance against state-enforced invisibility. Sabah and Pancoran residents are not passively marginalised; they are actively building grassroots citizenship, even without formal recognition. In both cases, resistance does not come through protests or violence, but through the dignified creation of life amid adversity. This is grassroots citizenship in action—a social practice that demands more than documents. It demands acknowledgment of existence, contributions, and rights. These communities refuse to be shadows in their own lands. This phenomenon shows that social inclusion is not a one-way project from state to citizen. It is a collective struggle, built on solidarity, organising, and courage. But such struggles cannot be left to communities alone. Both the Malaysian and Indonesian governments must abandon rigid legalistic-administrative approaches and instead build policies grounded in human rights and social justice. Cross-border solidarity It is time to move beyond storytelling and towards coordinated, measurable action. To truly realise social inclusion in Southeast Asia—especially for marginalised groups in Sabah and Pancoran—cross-border collaboration is necessary. Civil society organisations from Malaysia and Indonesia must work together to go beyond conventional advocacy and begin building a citizen-centred knowledge architecture. This includes community-based data generation, participatory research, and policy design rooted in real experiences. In doing so, we not only demand change from the state but also empower communities to shape the direction of that change. True social inclusion must be built from below—across borders, languages, and identities. A first step could be citizen-led mapping, where communities identify their local conditions, barriers to accessing basic services, and the forms of social exclusion they face daily. This is not a mere technical exercise, but a political act: it repositions residents as the authors of their reality, rather than as mere data subjects of the bureaucracy. Participatory mapping can form a foundation of accurate, politically meaningful information. It documents that state neglect is not hypothetical, but structural—and that it can be challenged through citizen-driven data and lived experience. Social inclusion requires reforms in three key areas: access to basic services like education, healthcare, and employment; meaningful participation in decision-making processes; and formal and cultural recognition of the identities and contributions of excluded communities. Such collaborations must also advocate for fiscal policies explicitly committed to social inclusion. The Center of Economic and Law Studies (CELIOS) estimates that transitioning Indonesia to a socially and ecologically just economy would require public financing of over RM250 bil (approx. IDR 892 trillion) by 2045. These figures are not abstract—they signal the need for real structural investments. In contexts like Pancoran and Sabah, public budgets should not be skewed toward investor incentives or elite infrastructure projects that displace the poor. Instead, funds must go towards expanding basic services: education for undocumented children, community-based healthcare, social protection for informal workers, and legal-administrative recognition of settlements long labelled as 'illegal'. With such priorities, states will not just build cities—they will restore dignity and public trust. ‒ July 14, 2025 Delpedro Marhaen is the executive director of Lokataru, a human rights organisation based in Indonesia. The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Focus Malaysia. Main image: BFM
NHK
a day ago
- Business
- NHK
July 14 NEWSROOM TOKYO Bangkok Live
Lineup: 1. Indonesia, EU agree to move forward on trade agreement 2. UNHCR: 6.3 mil. in need more than 3 months after Myanmar quake 3. Australia's under-16 social media ban divides kids, parents
