Latest news with #UmkhontoweSizwe
IOL News
3 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
ANC criticises Jacob Zuma for supporting Morocco in Western Sahara dispute
ANC secretary-general Fikile Mbalula has said that the party is not surprised by the move from the leader of the Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) Party, Jacob Zuma, to show support for the Kingdom of Morocco. Image: Ayanda Ndamane/Independent Newspaper ANC secretary-general Fikile Mbalula has branded Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) Party leader Jacob Zuma a "sellout" for his support of the Kingdom of Morocco, stating that the party is not surprised by Zuma's actions. The Western Sahara, a sparsely populated desert region on Africa's northwest coast, was a Spanish colony before its annexation by Morocco in 1975. This has led to a protracted territorial dispute between Morocco and the indigenous Saharawi people, represented by the Polisario Front. The ANC criticism comes after Zuma visited Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita in Rabat. Zuma shared his support for the Kingdom of Morocco, which considers the Western Sahara territory as its own, against the Algeria-backed Polisario front, which seeks an independent state in the desert territory. The MK Party released a policy position earlier this week explaining that they believe South Africa and the Kingdom of Morocco should be committed to strengthening their bilateral relations, grounded in shared principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and African unity. 'The MK Party's identity is deeply rooted in the historic struggle for liberation and dignity in South Africa. Similarly, Morocco's history is marked by its resistance to colonial domination and its determined pursuit of national unity. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ 'Both nations were shaped by their anti-colonial struggles — South Africa from apartheid and Morocco from French and Spanish rule. 'In this regard, Morocco has played a pivotal role in supporting South Africa through its fight for liberation. Morocco was the first country to lend financial and military support to Umkhonto weSizwe in 1962. 'Morocco's efforts to reclaim its full territorial integrity align with the MK Party's commitment to preserving the sovereignty and unity of African states,' the policy states. On Saturday, the party lambasted the use of the national flag in Zuma's meeting with Moroccan officials. 'This reckless and provocative act constitutes a flagrant violation of international diplomatic norms and an unacceptable intrusion into South Africa's internal political affairs. It is a dangerous attempt to delegitimise our constitutional order and discredit the authority of a democratically elected government. 'The inclusion of our national symbols in partisan activities hosted by foreign powers is not only misleading but also part of a broader agenda of foreign interference,' the ANC said. 'The ANC urges the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) to issue a formal diplomatic protest and to demand an immediate explanation and apology from the Moroccan authorities. 'We also call on all South Africans, regardless of political affiliation, to reject this dangerous precedent that threatens our sovereignty, our democracy, and our national unity. 'We further condemn the opportunistic involvement of Jacob Zuma, who has aligned himself with efforts that erode South Africa's standing in the international community and betray the principles of non-alignment, peace, and anticolonial solidarity that he once purported to uphold,' the party said. 'The leader of the MKP has revealed his true colours by demonstrating a lack of belief in the ANC's political, economic, and ideological principles of progressive internationalism, Pan-Africanism, and solidarity on both international and continental levels. 'It is shameful that a former leader of a liberation movement is betraying our historical mission and showing his true colours as he stands in opposition to the aim of contributing to the creation of a better Africa and world that is more humane, just, equitable, democratic, and free world,' the ANC said. Former president and current leader of uMkhonto weSizwe Party are seeking to overturn President Cyril Ramaphosa's recent reforms to the police ministry. Image: Timothy Bernard / Independent Newspapers On Sunday, Mbalula said that Zuma's actions are not a surprise as 'Jacob Zuma represents everything that is... pursued by sellouts'. Mbalula came out to address the media during a short interval at the Cape Sun Hotel, where the ANC's National Working Committee (NWC) met with the Provincial Executive Committee. This forms part of the ANC's ongoing efforts to strengthen its organisational capacity and engage directly with structures of the movement across regions and districts. 'We, as the ANC, will fight side-by-side for the self-determination of the Sahrawi people. We are in solidarity with them, and Morocco must stop the occupation of Western Sahara. 'Zuma is no messiah. He is a sellout of note. For whatever reason, he is doing this is no surprise to us,' Mbalula said. 'The very decision to steal the assets of the ANC to form a political party, and call it what it is, to divide our people, to weaken the African National Congress, for his own personal aggrandisement, is what he has been. He will be remembered for that by history.' The MK Party was contacted for comment, but indicated that they will respond to Mbalula's comment at a future briefing.
IOL News
3 days ago
- Business
- IOL News
Pan-African vision: MK party backs strategic alliance with Morocco
The MK Party's support for a strategic partnership between South Africa and Morocco aims to reshape African geopolitics and foster unity, economic emancipation, and territorial integrity. In a bold move to reshape African geopolitics and foster deeper regional cooperation, the Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) Party has announced its support for a strategic partnership between South Africa and the Kingdom of Morocco. This alignment is framed as a step towards African unity, economic emancipation, and territorial integrity, themes deeply embedded in the continent's ongoing struggle for sovereignty and self-determination. With historical ties, shared values, and common security and economic interests, the MK Party's proposal lays the groundwork for a powerful bilateral alliance that could redefine Africa's role on the global stage. Pan-African vision The MK Party is advocating for a robust strategic alliance between South Africa and Morocco. The goal is to enhance African unity, uphold territorial integrity, and pursue economic independence. Shared anti-colonial legacy Both nations emerged from anti-colonial struggles: Morocco from French and Spanish rule, South Africa from apartheid. Morocco supported South Africa's liberation movement, including early assistance to Umkhonto weSizwe in 1962. Mutual respect for sovereignty The MK Party aligns with Morocco's stance on preserving national unity and defending against separatist threats. The defence of South Africa's own territorial integrity is cited as a parallel struggle. Geopolitical alignment Both countries support multipolar diplomacy and UN/African Union reform to amplify African voices. Joint concerns include regional destabilisation caused by foreign-backed separatism. Economic synergy South Africa and Morocco are among Africa's top investors. The MK Party sees potential for increased intra-African trade, particularly under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Key areas for collaboration: agriculture, food security, digital transformation, and infrastructure. Cultural and social exchange Shared cultural diversity and history position both nations to lead in Afrocentric education and youth exchange. Proposals include curriculum sharing, heritage festivals, and language programmes. Controversial but strategic support for Morocco's Sahara position MK supports Morocco's claim over Western Sahara, citing historical legitimacy and tribal allegiance to the Moroccan throne. The 1975 Green March is described as a non-violent decolonisation effort. Morocco's autonomy proposal is seen as a realistic compromise that ensures peace and local governance under Moroccan sovereignty. Roadmap for bilateral strengthening Proposed diplomatic framework for collaboration at the UN and AU. Economic agreement, including a potential free trade deal between the two nations. Joint security initiatives to tackle regional threats. Academic, cultural, and technological cooperation aimed at empowering youth and promoting African identity. MK envisions the South Africa–Morocco partnership as a cornerstone for Africa's renaissance with the alliance grounded in historical solidarity and shared goals of peace, stability, and sustainable development. IOL News
IOL News
5 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
‘Rockets streaking through the night sky'
Former ANC Member of Parliament Yunus Carrim narrates the untold stories of the ANC's MK Special Operations Unit. Image: Supplied Blurb: For over three decades, the remarkable story of Umkhonto we Sizwe's Special Operations Unit has remained largely untold. Formed under the direct command of ANC president Oliver Tambo and senior ANC and SACP leader Joe Slovo, this elite unit executed some of the most daring and high-profile attacks against the apartheid state in the 1980s. In this groundbreaking book by ANC and SACP activist Yunus Carrim, the history of Special Ops is brought to life through the voices of its surviving participants. This is an account of the unit's daring attack on the SADF's militray fortress Voortrekkerhoogte. Between 22:30 and 23:00 on 12 August 1981, five 122-mm rockets from a Grad-P rocket launcher, used for the first time in South Africa, hit Voortrekkerhoogte, the main SADF base in the heart of Pretoria. The blasts were heard all over the city's southern and eastern suburbs. A resident described the loud noise as 'a grinding sound, like the sliding door of a panel van being opened'. He rushed outside to see rockets 'streaking through the night sky'. Zora Ahli saw 'four streaks of flame, one after the other, rising from open ground to the west, flashing right over her house moving eastwards. She likened the phenomenon to four shooting stars.' It's not clear exactly what was hit. A rocket certainly hit the house of a domestic worker. The other rockets hit a pillar of the military college, an ablution block, an open field, and one or two houses. One rocket seems to have failed to explode. Another cut through the corrugated-iron walls of a garage, went through a storeroom, passed between the storeroom and the domestic worker's room, struck the ground, and detonated. The force of the blast dislodged the roof of the room, burst the windows and toppled furniture. 'All I could see was fire … I just heard 'bam' and saw fire all over my room,' said Elsie Sekanka, the domestic worker. She scrambled out of the burning room and climbed through a broken window. The army was taken completely by surprise. They mounted a massive search for the perpetrators. They erected roadblocks throughout the Transvaal and searched cars and people. Entrances to Atteridgeville and Saulsville were blocked, and Soweto was cordoned off. Police in camouflage uniforms boarded the morning trains and searched commuters. Commissioner General Johann Coetzee said that the attack was 'a significant event because it had a psychological effect on the government by striking at the heart of its military forces'. The regime retaliated by bombing the ANC office in London The attack took place during the twentieth anniversary celebrations of South Africa becoming a republic. Coincidentally, it was also Budget Day, but the Voortrekkerhoogte attack overshadowed this. The operation was carried out by the ANC's Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) Special Operations Unit. The operational commander of the attack was Barney Molokoane, and the others in the unit were Johannes Mnisi, Johnny Mashigo, Vincent Sekete and Velaphi Mbele. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading Getting their ducks in a row Secluded among blue gum trees in Erasmia, a white area of Pretoria, was a smallholding, 'Mooiplaas', with a five-roomed farmhouse. It was about 600 metres from the police station. In June 1981, Nicholas Heath and Bonnie Muller, a British couple, rented Mooiplaas for R500 a year from Gerhard Basson. They said they were married and wanted to relax in South Africa as Heath recovered from ill health. But they were not married. Nor was Heath ill. Joe Slovo had recruited them. They were in South Africa to create a base for the cadres who were to attack Voortrekkerhoogte. Getting the Grad-P into the country was challenging. It was very difficult to create hidden compartments in a Ford bakkie, into which the Grad-P could fit. The barrel of a Grad-P is 2.54 metres long. The tripod mount weighs 27.7 kilograms, and the rocket weighs between 45.8 and 46.3 kilograms. 'What was remarkable about this operation was the difficulties we had packing the weapons in,' says Aboobaker Ismail (MK name Rashid). 'When I did the calculations, I didn't count the bits that were sticking out, so every time I modelled it – and I had built little models – I was somewhat out.' A metal frame was welded under the vehicle. The rocket launcher was mounted on a tripod under it with two rockets in the barrel, taking the weight to well over 100 kilograms. At the border, on returning to the bakkie after processing their passports, Muller and Heath found that it just wouldn't start. So, the distraught and nervous couple tried to push it. And the border guards very helpfully joined in! The bakkie got going again to their considerable relief. They were let through the border gates without the bakkie being checked. They waved a friendly bye-bye to the guards and went off again to ensure Voortrekkerhoogte was attacked. 'I mean, of all the things that can go wrong!' says Rashid laughingly. 'How many things are you meant to think of beforehand! All our meticulous planning – then this …' Into action Heath and Muller stocked Mooiplaas with food and other essentials for the five cadres to be based there. A few days later, Molokoane joined them. He posed as a gardener. Heath and Muller left the country. Shortly after 20:00 on 8 August 1981, the others crossed the Swaziland border. The cadres behaved as if they were labourers, in case anybody saw them. Philemon Malefo, Mnisi's friend, had a Ranchero bakkie. This was used to get the equipment to the firing point, about 4.5 kilometres from Voortrekkerhoogte. They got there at about 22:00 on 12 August. Shortly after 22:30, Molokoane fired the first rocket, which had 43 kilograms of high explosives. There was a huge roar. People in Laudium and Erasmia came out of their houses. Most presumed it was an SADF drill and watched with interest. With the crowd gathering, it 'was like being in FNB stadium,' Mnisi told journalist Esther Waugh later. A few people even leaned on the Ranchero as they watched. The cadres continued to fire rockets. Malefo got anxious about people being in his bakkie. He was also worried that somebody might take down the registration number and he'd be traced. So, he left in a hurry. Evading capture The cadres packed up the equipment quickly. But the getaway bakkie had disappeared. And roadblocks were being set up. Mnisi went to Malefo's place while Molokoane and the rest of the unit went back to Mooiplaas. The cadres bolted themselves in the farmhouse, closed the windows, drew the curtains and set up their defences. They put up mattresses and moved furniture around. They took positions around the windows and waited for an attack. They were in trouble but decided they'd fight to the death. For three days, security forces with tracker dogs and helicopters searched the area. Sometimes the cadres could hear the murmur of voices and the barking of dogs. The search party came right to the gate of Mooiplaas but, amazingly, decided that there was no one there. When the roadblocks eased, they left for Swaziland around 30 August. Malefo crossed at the Oshoek border legally in the Ranchero, while the others jumped over the fence and joined him on the Swaziland side. The following day, the cadres climbed over the Swaziland–Mozambique fence. It was about three weeks after the attack that the cadres returned to Maputo. 'I cannot describe the euphoria. Amazingly, everybody survived,' says Rashid. Slovo was thrilled. Oliver Tambo came to thank them for pulling the operation off. Significance beyond material damage 'We recognised that we could not take on the SADF in a full confrontational operation,' said Rashid. 'It would be suicidal – and we were never into suicide operations. We wanted the psychological impact of hitting it. That, here we are, taking on the enemy in its heart, in its biggest military base, so we left people under no illusion that we had the capability. The Boers didn't ever, in their wildest imagination, believe that we would have struck Voortrekkerhoogte. 'On the one hand, the police are saying, look at how useless they were; they didn't hit any significant targets. On the other hand, the people celebrated because here was the glorious MK taking on the Boers and hitting Voortrekkerhoogte right in the heart of the military machine. And what do you think the reaction was in the camps? Positive. If we're already hitting Voortrekkerhoogte, we're going home tomorrow – that's how they felt. They said we're sure the commanders will come to call us all to go to the front. And they all want to join Special Ops. 'The Boers were in a dilemma. On the one hand, they wanted to say what a big threat the ANC was, and on the other hand, they wanted to show how useless the ANC was. But now they had to deal with that question. Which is it? 'Maybe Voortrekkerhoogte portrayed MK as bigger than it was, as much more competent than we were. ' That it was attacked at all was very important. That a Grad-P was used from four and a half kilometres away added to its significance. That the cadres were able to get away safely despite a massive police search reinforced its significance. Whatever its limits, the attack showed that the SADF was not invincible. If the physical damage was little, the psychological impact was huge. Voortrekkerhoogte, after all, was the 'front garden' of the Defence Force. The ANC considered the attack to be 'a psychological landmark', noted Waugh in an article headlined 'Umkhonto's cheeky blow at the military core of apartheid'. It was the first direct attack on an army base. And it came shortly after the major Sasol and power stations operations. So, strategic sites of the apartheid regime – fuel, electricity and the military – were all hit within about fifteen months, signalling a new phase in the armed struggle. As armed propaganda, the goal was significantly achieved. And the attack on Voortrekkerhoogte became etched in the ANC's military history and an important part of its political capital, and it served to inspire many in the camps and outside to actively engage in the armed and broader political struggles. * The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
IOL News
5 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
‘Rockets streaking through the night sky'
Former ANC Member of Parliament Yunus Carrim narrates the untold stories of the ANC's MK Special Operations Unit. Image: Supplied Blurb: For over three decades, the remarkable story of Umkhonto we Sizwe's Special Operations Unit has remained largely untold. Formed under the direct command of ANC president Oliver Tambo and senior ANC and SACP leader Joe Slovo, this elite unit executed some of the most daring and high-profile attacks against the apartheid state in the 1980s. In this groundbreaking book by ANC and SACP activist Yunus Carrim, the history of Special Ops is brought to life through the voices of its surviving participants. This is an account of the unit's daring attack on the SADF's militray fortress Voortrekkerhoogte. Between 22:30 and 23:00 on 12 August 1981, five 122-mm rockets from a Grad-P rocket launcher, used for the first time in South Africa, hit Voortrekkerhoogte, the main SADF base in the heart of Pretoria. The blasts were heard all over the city's southern and eastern suburbs. A resident described the loud noise as 'a grinding sound, like the sliding door of a panel van being opened'. He rushed outside to see rockets 'streaking through the night sky'. Zora Ahli saw 'four streaks of flame, one after the other, rising from open ground to the west, flashing right over her house moving eastwards. She likened the phenomenon to four shooting stars.' It's not clear exactly what was hit. A rocket certainly hit the house of a domestic worker. The other rockets hit a pillar of the military college, an ablution block, an open field, and one or two houses. One rocket seems to have failed to explode. Another cut through the corrugated-iron walls of a garage, went through a storeroom, passed between the storeroom and the domestic worker's room, struck the ground, and detonated. The force of the blast dislodged the roof of the room, burst the windows and toppled furniture. 'All I could see was fire … I just heard 'bam' and saw fire all over my room,' said Elsie Sekanka, the domestic worker. She scrambled out of the burning room and climbed through a broken window. The army was taken completely by surprise. They mounted a massive search for the perpetrators. They erected roadblocks throughout the Transvaal and searched cars and people. Entrances to Atteridgeville and Saulsville were blocked, and Soweto was cordoned off. Police in camouflage uniforms boarded the morning trains and searched commuters. Commissioner General Johann Coetzee said that the attack was 'a significant event because it had a psychological effect on the government by striking at the heart of its military forces'. The regime retaliated by bombing the ANC office in London The attack took place during the twentieth anniversary celebrations of South Africa becoming a republic. Coincidentally, it was also Budget Day, but the Voortrekkerhoogte attack overshadowed this. The operation was carried out by the ANC's Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) Special Operations Unit. The operational commander of the attack was Barney Molokoane, and the others in the unit were Johannes Mnisi, Johnny Mashigo, Vincent Sekete and Velaphi Mbele. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Getting their ducks in a row Secluded among blue gum trees in Erasmia, a white area of Pretoria, was a smallholding, 'Mooiplaas', with a five-roomed farmhouse. It was about 600 metres from the police station. In June 1981, Nicholas Heath and Bonnie Muller, a British couple, rented Mooiplaas for R500 a year from Gerhard Basson. They said they were married and wanted to relax in South Africa as Heath recovered from ill health. But they were not married. Nor was Heath ill. Joe Slovo had recruited them. They were in South Africa to create a base for the cadres who were to attack Voortrekkerhoogte. Getting the Grad-P into the country was challenging. It was very difficult to create hidden compartments in a Ford bakkie, into which the Grad-P could fit. The barrel of a Grad-P is 2.54 metres long. The tripod mount weighs 27.7 kilograms, and the rocket weighs between 45.8 and 46.3 kilograms. 'What was remarkable about this operation was the difficulties we had packing the weapons in,' says Aboobaker Ismail (MK name Rashid). 'When I did the calculations, I didn't count the bits that were sticking out, so every time I modelled it – and I had built little models – I was somewhat out.' A metal frame was welded under the vehicle. The rocket launcher was mounted on a tripod under it with two rockets in the barrel, taking the weight to well over 100 kilograms. At the border, on returning to the bakkie after processing their passports, Muller and Heath found that it just wouldn't start. So, the distraught and nervous couple tried to push it. And the border guards very helpfully joined in! The bakkie got going again to their considerable relief. They were let through the border gates without the bakkie being checked. They waved a friendly bye-bye to the guards and went off again to ensure Voortrekkerhoogte was attacked. 'I mean, of all the things that can go wrong!' says Rashid laughingly. 'How many things are you meant to think of beforehand! All our meticulous planning – then this …' Into action Heath and Muller stocked Mooiplaas with food and other essentials for the five cadres to be based there. A few days later, Molokoane joined them. He posed as a gardener. Heath and Muller left the country. Shortly after 20:00 on 8 August 1981, the others crossed the Swaziland border. The cadres behaved as if they were labourers, in case anybody saw them. Philemon Malefo, Mnisi's friend, had a Ranchero bakkie. This was used to get the equipment to the firing point, about 4.5 kilometres from Voortrekkerhoogte. They got there at about 22:00 on 12 August. Shortly after 22:30, Molokoane fired the first rocket, which had 43 kilograms of high explosives. There was a huge roar. People in Laudium and Erasmia came out of their houses. Most presumed it was an SADF drill and watched with interest. With the crowd gathering, it 'was like being in FNB stadium,' Mnisi told journalist Esther Waugh later. A few people even leaned on the Ranchero as they watched. The cadres continued to fire rockets. Malefo got anxious about people being in his bakkie. He was also worried that somebody might take down the registration number and he'd be traced. So, he left in a hurry. Evading capture The cadres packed up the equipment quickly. But the getaway bakkie had disappeared. And roadblocks were being set up. Mnisi went to Malefo's place while Molokoane and the rest of the unit went back to Mooiplaas. The cadres bolted themselves in the farmhouse, closed the windows, drew the curtains and set up their defences. They put up mattresses and moved furniture around. They took positions around the windows and waited for an attack. They were in trouble but decided they'd fight to the death. For three days, security forces with tracker dogs and helicopters searched the area. Sometimes the cadres could hear the murmur of voices and the barking of dogs. The search party came right to the gate of Mooiplaas but, amazingly, decided that there was no one there. When the roadblocks eased, they left for Swaziland around 30 August. Malefo crossed at the Oshoek border legally in the Ranchero, while the others jumped over the fence and joined him on the Swaziland side. The following day, the cadres climbed over the Swaziland–Mozambique fence. It was about three weeks after the attack that the cadres returned to Maputo. 'I cannot describe the euphoria. Amazingly, everybody survived,' says Rashid. Slovo was thrilled. Oliver Tambo came to thank them for pulling the operation off. Significance beyond material damage 'We recognised that we could not take on the SADF in a full confrontational operation,' said Rashid. 'It would be suicidal – and we were never into suicide operations. We wanted the psychological impact of hitting it. That, here we are, taking on the enemy in its heart, in its biggest military base, so we left people under no illusion that we had the capability. The Boers didn't ever, in their wildest imagination, believe that we would have struck Voortrekkerhoogte. 'On the one hand, the police are saying, look at how useless they were; they didn't hit any significant targets. On the other hand, the people celebrated because here was the glorious MK taking on the Boers and hitting Voortrekkerhoogte right in the heart of the military machine. And what do you think the reaction was in the camps? Positive. If we're already hitting Voortrekkerhoogte, we're going home tomorrow – that's how they felt. They said we're sure the commanders will come to call us all to go to the front. And they all want to join Special Ops. 'The Boers were in a dilemma. On the one hand, they wanted to say what a big threat the ANC was, and on the other hand, they wanted to show how useless the ANC was. But now they had to deal with that question. Which is it? 'Maybe Voortrekkerhoogte portrayed MK as bigger than it was, as much more competent than we were. ' That it was attacked at all was very important. That a Grad-P was used from four and a half kilometres away added to its significance. That the cadres were able to get away safely despite a massive police search reinforced its significance. Whatever its limits, the attack showed that the SADF was not invincible. If the physical damage was little, the psychological impact was huge. Voortrekkerhoogte, after all, was the 'front garden' of the Defence Force. The ANC considered the attack to be 'a psychological landmark', noted Waugh in an article headlined 'Umkhonto's cheeky blow at the military core of apartheid'. It was the first direct attack on an army base. And it came shortly after the major Sasol and power stations operations. So, strategic sites of the apartheid regime – fuel, electricity and the military – were all hit within about fifteen months, signalling a new phase in the armed struggle. As armed propaganda, the goal was significantly achieved. And the attack on Voortrekkerhoogte became etched in the ANC's military history and an important part of its political capital, and it served to inspire many in the camps and outside to actively engage in the armed and broader political struggles. * The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
IOL News
15-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
'Disappointing': Busi Mkhwebane criticises Ramaphosa's SAPS inquiry as a waste of resources
Mpumalanga convenor of the MK party, former Public Protector Busisiwe Mkhwebane. Image: Independent Newspapers Former Public Protector and Umkhonto weSizwe (MK party) Mpumalanga convenor, Busisiwe Mkhwebane, has lambasted President Cyril Ramaphosa's move to place embattled Police Minister Senzo Mchunu on special leave, and the establishment of a commission of inquiry into allegations regarding law enforcement agencies. IOL reported on Sunday that while the placement of Mchunu on special leave was applauded by some, the decision to establish a commission of inquiry into allegations regarding the South African Police Service (SAPS) was largely criticised. Political analysts said that the commission could be a waste of time and resources, like the Zondo commission, which was established to investigate the allegations of State Capture in 2019. In an interview with broadcaster Newzroom Afrika, Mkwebane said the resources channeled towards the commission of inquiry could be funneled towards improving the SAPS. "I would say, being the former Public Protector, it is very disappointing. The country is in tatters, and the decision that the president has taken, won't take us any further. We are still going to be impacted because no commission of inquiry was ever implemented. The president has usurped the powers of Chapter 9 institutions. The worst part is that the commission of inquiry just makes recommendations, holding the country in suspense. "We need resources, as Mpumalanga as well, we need resources. You put a minister on special leave, why not remove the minister, because the president, in terms of the Constitution, has the powers to do that immediately. Why waste resources? You appoint somebody who is a director of Corruption Watch, funded by foreign backers like George Soros. I think he is putting the country deep, deep into trouble and that will impact us as a province." Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Prof. Firoz Cachalia Image: Facebook Ramaphosa announced the appointment of Professor Cachalia as acting minister of police, pending the outcome of the commission of inquiry. Cachalia, a legal academic and chairperson of the National Anti-Corruption Advisory Council, will assume the role in August. Cachalia, 66, is a former anti-apartheid activist, lawyer, academic, and experienced public servant. Born in Benoni in 1958, he became involved in student politics against apartheid in the late 1970s and 1980s. Mkhwebane said the province of Mpumalanga, like other provinces in South Africa, is bedevilled by massive unemployment levels. She said fighting the scourge of corruption requires a head-on approach, not commissions of inquiry. "That money should have been utilised to make sure that the police are quick, they arrest and remove people who are not supposed to be there because there is evidence which commissioner (KwaZulu-Natal provincial police commissioner Nhlanhla) Mkhwanazi has delivered. I think this is disappointing," she said. Ramaphosa on Sunday announced his decision to establish the commission of inquiry and place Mchunu on special leave following allegations made by Mkhwanazi, who accused Mchunu of sabotaging a probe into political killings by seizing 121 open case files in March and pushing to disband the team tasked with the probe. Mkhwanazi claimed that Mchunu had connections to members of a crime syndicate. He also accused some senior police officials of being involved in corruption. IOL News
