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Harvard expands lawsuit against US after Trump ends $450 mn funding
In its new complaint, Harvard cited several actions taken by the administration since the university's initial lawsuit on April 21
Bloomberg
By David Voreacos and Janet Lorin
Harvard University expanded its lawsuit Tuesday against the Trump administration for freezing billions of dollars in federal funds, ratcheting up the high-stakes legal battle between the wealthiest US university and the White House.
University lawyers revised their lawsuit on the same day the federal Joint Task Force to Combat Antisemitism said the government terminated $450 million in grants to Harvard. The US earlier froze more than $2.2 billion in funding, citing the university's handling of alleged discrimination on campus.
In its new complaint, Harvard cited several actions taken by the administration since the university's initial lawsuit on April 21. It claims federal agencies illegally halted the flow of funds because the university refused to submit to government control over its academic programs. President Donald Trump asserts that Harvard has failed to protect Jewish students from antisemitism and fostered a climate of discrimination.
As with their earlier complaint, Harvard's lawyers asked a federal judge in Boston to bar the government from enacting the funding freeze and declare that the US violated its First Amendment right to free speech.
'The freezes and terminations will chill Harvard's exercise of its First Amendment rights,' according to the amended lawsuit, filed in federal court in Boston. 'Harvard will be unable to make decisions regarding its faculty hiring, academic programs, student admissions, and other core academic matters without fear that those decisions will run afoul of government censors' views on acceptable levels of ideological or viewpoint diversity on campus.'
The Education Department didn't immediately respond to a request for comment.
The latest escalation comes amid one of the highest-profile standoffs in Trump's efforts to remake much of the US economic and cultural landscape. The funding cuts at Harvard are already imperiling research projects as well as the broader ecosystem that thrives off their existence and helps drive the Massachusetts economy.
The amended complaint makes the same basic claims as the April 21 lawsuit — that a wide range of government agencies violated the First Amendment and the Administrative Procedure Act by abruptly cutting off funding to Harvard. US District Judge Allison Burroughs has set a July 21 hearing in the case.
A representative for Harvard referred questions for comment on Tuesday's cuts to the amended complaint.
The lawsuit refers to a May 6 letter from the National Institutes of Health that formally terminated $2.2 billion in awards, saying its grants 'no longer effectuate agency priorities' because of 'recent events at Harvard University involving antisemitic action.'
That letter cited 'Harvard's ongoing inaction in the face of repeated and severe harassment and targeting of Jewish students.' While NIH will generally let a grant recipient take 'appropriate corrective action' after a suspension, it said 'no corrective action is possible here.'
Harvard received similar letters on May 9 from the US Department of Agriculture and on May 12 from the Departments of Energy, Defense, and Housing and Urban Development, according to the complaint.
Harvard President Alan Garber has twice publicly rebuked the Trump administration for threatening the school's independence. On Monday, he wrote to Education Secretary Linda McMahon, denying allegations of partisan political bias and warning government 'overreach' threatens key freedoms. On Tuesday, the antisemitism task force hit back.
'Harvard's campus, once a symbol of academic prestige, has become a breeding ground for virtue signaling and discrimination,' the task force wrote. 'This is not leadership; it is cowardice. And it's not academic freedom; it's institutional disenfranchisement.'
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Hindustan Times
36 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Can Qatari jet gifted to Trump take a nuclear hit? What it needs to be Air Force One
Donald Trump recently received a luxury jet as a gift by the Qatari Royal family and is now reportedly planning to use the aircraft as a temporary Air Force One, the official air traffic control-designated call sign for the plane that carries carrying the US president. But converting the jet gifted by the Qatari royal family as a temporary Air Force One for presidential use may come at the cost of national security, officials cited in an Associated Press report said. As the White House navigates legal questions over accepting the plane, military and national security leaders are quietly debating how much to modify the aircraft — and how fast — to make it fit for a commander in chief. Installing the full suite of security and communications tech typical of Air Force One could cost upwards of $1.5 billion and take years, according to US officials, cited in the AP report, which added that the time it would take to do all of that would dash Trump's hopes of flying in the aircraft before the end of his term. The US Air Force is working on replacing the current aging 747s with highly customised presidential aircraft — a project plagued by delays and budget overruns. Experts have warned that retrofitting the Qatari plane to the same standard risks the same fate. Air Force secretary Troy Meink told Congress the core security upgrades for the Qatari jet would be 'less than $400 million' but did not elaborate. However, lawmakers and defense officials remain skeptical that a safe and fully equipped plane can be delivered in such a short window. Donald Trump, however, has made clear he wants the Qatari plane operational 'as soon as possible' while still 'adhering to security standards,' a White House official said, speaking anonymously. But experts caution that transforming the Qatari aircraft into a reliable Air Force One is no quick task. 'You'd have to break that whole thing wide open and almost start from scratch,' AP quoted Deborah Lee James, former Air Force Secretary, referring to the extensive rewiring needed to match Air Force One's security protocols. The list of required upgrades is not a short one: -Anti-missile defense,-EMP shielding,-Classified communications,-and command systems robust enough to survive a nuclear blast. 'The point is, it remains in flight no matter what,' James said. While cutting corners might be tempting for a president on the clock, experts say Secret Service can plan for and mitigate risk but can never eliminate it. Trump, as commander in chief, has the authority to waive some requirements. Still, James warned, waiving certain features should remain classified: 'You don't want to advertise to your potential adversaries what the vulnerabilities of this new aircraft might be.' Cosmetic changes, however, are almost certain as Trump famously prefers a darker paint scheme modeled after his personal jet, and a model of the design reportedly still sits in his office. Trump personally toured the Qatari jet in February near Mar-a-Lago, accompanied by Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David Allvin. While the jet reportedly needs maintenance, officials say it's not beyond what's expected for an aircraft of its size and complexity.
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First Post
an hour ago
- First Post
Indians in US Colleges are in a crisis: One reason is that they have stopped learning
We, Indians, have to reject the models of learning we were drilled into by schools, colleges, corporate employers and peer groups which have turned us into mere employable robots and stop trying to force-fit our resplendent cultural traditions and expressions into the fringes and anonymous cubicles of modern society read more 'Vācālatvaṃ ca pāṇḍitye yaśorthe dharmasevanam' (In Kali Yuga, people think prattling is a mark of erudition and do dharma only for personal fame.) - Kalki Purana In the past few weeks, Indian-descent students in general and Hindu students in particular have been in the news once again. At UC Berkeley, a student request to observe a 'Hindu Heritage Month' was denied by student officials who said they were worried about 'Hindu Nationalism'. At Harvard, Hindu students spoke up about Hinduphobia when they found that the South Asia Institute there had hosted Pakistani government officials in a conference just days after the Pahalgam massacre, where Hindus and Christians were singled out and executed on the basis of their religion. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD If Berkeley and Harvard students were concerned about Hinduphobia, some MIT students were more worried, though, about Palestinian victims of war. Megha Vemuri, a computation and cognition student ('science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM)' presumably, and not 'humanities'), won admiration and censure (from different quarters) after giving a pro-Palestine speech at the commencement. This article tries to analyse how Hindus typically respond to news concerning US colleges and identifies some institutional realities (and possibilities) which Hindu students, parents, and other stakeholders in US higher education from India should become aware of if they wish to ever acquire a little more clarity and influence. It comes from the personal and professional experience not of a political or community leader but that of an American liberal arts professor who believes that the emergence of a genuine Hindu voice in American humanities and social sciences is long overdue. It will be good for both American society and the well-being of Indian-descent students who are increasingly failing to find a purpose rooted in sanatana dharma for their lives and careers and pursue it instead in what they think is the most burning issue of the day, which is protecting Palestinians, Kashmiris, and other minorities facing persecution from 'Hindutvas' and 'Zionists'. Now, it may well be the case that these students are correct, and worried Hindu uncles and aunties on the internet are wrong. After all, these students and their parents are smart and accomplished and get into the most prestigious universities in the world. But, all the same, it is worth making the case that there might be things they don't know, just as there are things that their critics on social media, who are many, also do not know. On one side is the certainty that students who fight Zionism and Hindutva are on the morally righteous path of history. On the other side is the view that such students (and their parents or their teachers) are zombies or 'useful idiots' who are supporting imperialist religious bigotry and terrorist violence against Hindus, Jews, and others designated as 'Kafirs'. This is the reality of university life. There are a lot of different beliefs and opinions floating around, but as teachers and students, we have a duty to keep the focus on learning and on keeping learning open. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The Anti-Establishmentarian Establishment The first theme to recognise is that the majority of Hindu parents in America quite likely do not share the frustration and anger that erupts in Hindu and Indian 'RW' social media circles whenever incidents like the above are reported. It is a folly on the part of those in the latter circles to assume otherwise. Most immigrant Indian parents in America are tightly focused on measuring their children's progress through the lens of career success, and their child giving a speech on an issue that half the country's cultural, educational, business, and political establishment backs will not bother them. They share that establishment's view that this is a moral issue and know deep down that it is also not a really dangerous or self-defeating view. The genius of 'woke' issues in recent times is that they allow people to think they are anti-establishment while actually doing the work of the same. For Gen X or older Millennial parents who have left 'religion' behind, STEM success and establishment-sanctioned moral politics are the new faith. And even for parents who still remain religious in some sense, there is a convenient discourse available now which argues that the ideal way to be a Hindu today is to support the human rights of persecuted groups like Palestinians, Kashmiris, victims of Hindutva and Zionism, and Brahmanism, and so on. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Then, there are other parents who do worry a little when they see incidents such as this but satisfy themselves that as long as their children get good marks and jobs, none of this will affect them anyway. A subset of them might get involved with some sort of voluntary work for what the community calls Hindu 'advocacy', educating lawmakers, canvassing voter support, and so on. Students and Teachers Should Lead the Change, Not Lobbies and 'Leaders' The second theme pertains to the patterns of response within this last subsection. No doubt, the numbers of people and the number of Hindu voluntary organisations trying to do something have grown in the last two decades. They face severe challenges in terms of resources and know-how, as well as 'know-why', a problem in social-historical self-knowledge, which we explain further below. But the pattern of response here is typically to host a bunch of online talks and then move from one gathering or 'awareness day' to the next. But we rarely see organising oriented towards securing long-term institutional changes in universities. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Right from the 1960s, most changes in academia have happened as a result of universities agreeing to set up tenured faculty positions for specific areas of study demanded by student groups. University administrators take student needs seriously in America, and so do faculty. If students point out a gap in a curriculum or systemic flaws in how a student constituency is being taught about in the relevant area studies or identity studies courses, they may well be invited to join in the conversation to create a course or program. If students make the case in a sustained scholarly manner (usually with help from sympathetic vanguard academic mentors), then the university will find the funds to create a position and fill it. If, say, a university agreed to create a tenure track position in Hinduphobia Studies or Hindu Human Rights, it will imply that every academic year, anywhere from 100 to 300 students (depending on the size of the campus) of all backgrounds, not just Hindus, will be educated, formally, in issues which so far have remained only in easily ignorable online spaces. And if that professor stays on and gets tenured, you are looking at a 30-year project or 30 multiplied by 100-300 students who have been exposed to their ideas over three decades. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Thousands, if not tens of thousands, of students can get educated on human rights issues faced by Hindus, and not just in a fleeting online or weekend gathering format, but in an in-depth seminar meeting for several hours every week for a whole semester. Learning is built in-depth, and so is a long-term legacy for this body of learning in society at large as students graduate and go to work in humanities professions like teaching, arts, writing, journalism, media, film-making, social work, politics, diplomacy, and so on. This basic reality is something most other communities in US colleges are aware of. For instance, in the last two years of sweeping pro-Palestine activism on campuses, one of the demands universities have acceded to is exactly this – more tenured positions and programmes in Palestine studies. Hindu organisations trying to offer moral and social support to Hindu college students, on the other hand, tend to approach campus Hindu issues in a top-down manner, completely bypassing the educational component of the Hindu student experience. They seem overly obsessed with framing the problem as a 'religious' need issue, ignoring the core academic elephant in the room, and demanding cosmetic 'student life' things like a prayer room or a 'recognition note' or a 'Hindu Chaplain'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Hindus Should Talk Human Rights, Not Multicultural Platitudes These demands don't pose any challenge to the academic status quo or its main product, which is a false story about Hindus, Hinduism, and India today. Demanding recognition or praise for a religion in campus life outside of the classroom merely skirts around the issue and often backfires too. 'Islamophobia' and 'antisemitism' are understood on US campuses by faculty, students, and administrators as human rights issues, whereas anything 'Hindu' comes across to them as a demand for just one religion to be treated like it's 'special'. That is one reason for the deep inertia on campuses when it comes to Hindu issues (based on personal experience, once again, of three decades in US universities and very specific conversations to this effect). On that note, one wonders, for example, how the Berkeley student officials might have reacted if the demand was made not for a 'Hindu Heritage Month' with a focus on how successful Hindu Americans have been in America (which often defeats the messaging about 'Hinduphobia' later) but simply and directly for an 'Anti-Hindu Racism and Genocide Awareness Month', forcing opponents to really reconsider which side of racism they want to be on. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Demonstrating bias, error, and egregious racism inside the institution's core product itself, its 'knowledge' about us, and demanding our right to speak to it, is the only duty we have if in a university. And on this point, one more nuance needs to be understood. There are many more subjects beyond just 'religion' or 'Hinduism Studies' in which proper, academically guided engagement needs to take place. Community leaders and groups have in the past taken a helicopter view, assuming that all they had to do was to raise donations to buy India or Hinduism Chairs, and the problem vanishes. Unfortunately, this did not win the grace of the Goddess of Learning, and it seems that at least that lesson has been learnt. The Tamas-Rajas Trap The third theme, a key one in understanding our diagnosis here, has to do with why the obvious path towards long-term change hasn't been sighted, let alone pursued with determination by the Hindu community here. Rather than the usual blame games or the usual clichés about 'lack of unity', one may gain from a yogic view. Hindu responses to the deeply entrenched problems of Hinduphobia in the academia, in the media, and in the world at large seem to swing between a state of 'Rajas' and 'Tamas.' In the past ten years or so, the following pattern has played out numerous times. There are long periods of silence, punctuated by very routine, low-key, non-controversial cultural events and gatherings by Hindu or Indian students. At this same time, other initiatives, often bearing the signature worldview and institutional legitimacy and heft of South Asia studies faculty and their allies, progress very quickly. Professors get other professors and activists and lobbyists to come to campuses to speak about Hindutva and caste. Documentaries are screened about Hindu patriarchy and violence (but never about, say, the devastating phenomenon of 'grooming gangs' in the UK). Peer pressure grows enormously on the vast number of silent, usually STEM-focused Indian students, to the point where even their non-controversial activities like celebrating Holi or Diwali suddenly become a political and moral choice they have to make. Usually around this time, a small group of students get emboldened. Their friends, from former students to community leaders, step in to advise them. Suddenly, there is a big-name event advertised, usually featuring a controversial speaker, usually a non-academic, and usually from India. Backlash ensues. After a brief bout of Rajassic assertiveness, the Tamas returns. For months, maybe years, students become overcautious and refrain from speaking up even when legitimacy and timing are on their side. In this Rajas-Tamas brashness and timidity cycle, the 'Satvic' moment rarely gets to stick, unfortunately. Truth: There is a Threat, and There is Fear The fourth and last theme to consider here is that of ignorance and fear. We do not say 'ignorance' in a judgemental manner, but to merely connote a lack of information, understanding, and experience in navigating educational institutions as a minority community and in surviving more generally in a host society where xenophobia and religious racism are clearly rising on both sides of their political divide. Hopefully, the first part of this problem, which is the fear of making institutional demands from universities that Hindu students, parents and community leaders (who are invariably from outside academia, or at least the pertinent fields of study in academia) seem to have, will be usefully mitigated by the facts shared in this essay. Most of the time, when we swing from aggressive posturing to timid self-erasure in our actions, it may well be because we haven't learnt enough about the ecology we inhabit so as to centre ourselves in the balanced middle. A satvic understanding of what Hindu students today can do while in college to their home of four (or more) years so as to make it better for their younger siblings and descendants will be a wonderful quality to cultivate and practice. Unfortunately, there is a deeper problem of fear among Hindus which really needs to be talked about as well. A lot of modern Hindu behaviour in America can be understood in relation to this. Brash, successful, pro-Palestine 'HINO' Hindus (as they are called), as well as more culturally rooted and concerned Hindus worried about Hinduphobia, all have one reality they share. Hindus live in a world that is non-Hindu at best and anti-Hindu at worst. We are all coping with it. 'HINO' Hindus believe they have achieved top-level cosmopolitanism and that there is no such thing as anti-Hindu bigotry or prejudice in the world. What they don't realise is that there is something in the social and political ecology of the world which has turned them, in just two or three generations from their grandparents' time, into whatever deracinated cosmopolitan far-right jihadist-supporting personas they now inhabit. They are, in a way, converts, not to the usual converting religions, but to the extremely superficial and shaky religion of selectively secular progressivism. It gives them an air of certainty and comfort and even superiority. But from the time of the Inquisitions to the present, a coercive system will always demand purity tests. Even someone as American, Californian, and culturally cosmopolitan as former Vice President Kamala Harris, for example, was accused of being a Brahmin supremacist by some activists. But for Hindus in America who still like to think they are spiritually and culturally active and would like to see the same in their otherwise materially successful children going to college, that fear plays out in a different way. They have found a way to cope by downplaying the threats which produce that fear and exaggerating the things which they think can counteract those threats: their education, economic status, model-minority good conduct, faith in liberal democracy, avoiding controversy and so on. They look at other immigrants who are successful and imitate each other, confining Hinduism to safe and tested routines like temples, hurried weekend classes for children, and, of late, a little bit of engagement with politicians, usually to get 'recognition' proclamations passed. With the rise of the internet and social media, they have become more aware of problems and threats but have also fallen into the inertia of false security and complacency in gatherings and numbers. But the fact that they rarely go beyond talking about problems to doing what actually needs to be done (in higher education, in the case of this article) shows they are perhaps paralysed by fear too, sometimes, quite literally. In a recent planning meeting for Hindu parents organising children's weekend classes for the coming year, a suggestion to include college experience 'reality check' orientation sessions for high school students by professors and old students from the program now in college led to some strangely confused, silent responses, with people staring down at the floor and freezing up in tension! No wonder some Hindu American parents lament that their children loved Hinduism and Indian culture when in school but turned viciously anti-Hindu in college. Colleges will teach your children in their Hinduism, South Asian history and politics, or diaspora studies classes that their innocent childhood memories of going to Bala Vikas or Bala Vihar were actually wrong and that these were Hindu nationalist indoctrination camps. That's what is published in peer-reviewed journals and books, and that's what is prescribed, and that's what will be taught (not always, but in most cases). The professors in many cases may not actually know better, and the students who do know better unfortunately have never been taught by parents or elders that they do have a right, indeed a duty, to speak up and assert the truth. And now, as more and more unhappy stories emerge, whether it is of extreme violence like Pahalgam or extreme self-censorship over it by Hindu students and parents, the elephant in the room has to be named. Maybe 'Hinduphobia' is a term that should be re-understood not as bigotry or aversion against Hindus but simply as the Hindu state of perpetual fear of being Hindu. Smash the Hinduphobia – at Home, First! The cause of that fear is not paranoia but the fact that there is a threat, and even those who avoid seeing it perhaps know it deep down in their hearts. To get out of this paralysis, though, is possible. Borrowed clichés from American liberalism or right-wingism won't do it. We must return to our ancient critical tradition of saying Neti, Neti. We have to reject the models of learning we were drilled into by schools and colleges and corporate employers and peer groups which have turned us into mere employable robots and stop trying to force-fit our resplendent cultural traditions and expressions into the fringes and anonymous cubicles of modern society. We must stop asking for small favours from modern institutions and rise to look at our role as the big favour we are about to do for all of them, given how much their 'brotherhood of man' dreams swinging between Left and Right extremes have failed and how we still carry the energy and purpose and protection of our 'motherhood of god' traditions in us. We must learn, however we can, to learn again. We have to become, each, our own cultural and spiritual revolutionary schools. A saffron storm must rise over these overrated racist hold-outs and teach them what it means to learn and to live under our mother earth's reign once again. Vamsee Juluri is Professor of Media Studies, University of San Francisco. He has authored several books, including 'Rearming Hinduism: Nature, Hinduphobia and the Return of Indian Intelligence' (Westland, 2015). C Raghothama Rao is a writer, podcaster and YouTuber. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
The Taliban leader slams Trump's travel ban on Afghans and calls the US an 'oppressor'
The top Taliban leader on Saturday slammed President Donald Trump's travel ban on Afghans, calling the United States an oppressor, as Afghanistan 's rulers seek greater engagement with the international community. The comments from Hibatullah Akhundzada marked the first public reaction from the Taliban since the Trump administration this week moved to bar citizens from 12 countries, including Afghanistan, from entering the U.S. Trump's executive order largely applies to Afghans hoping to resettle in the U.S. permanently, as well as those hoping to go to America temporarily, including for university studies. Play Video Pause Skip Backward Skip Forward Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration 0:00 Loaded : 0% 0:00 Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 1x Playback Rate Chapters Chapters Descriptions descriptions off , selected Captions captions settings , opens captions settings dialog captions off , selected Audio Track default , selected Picture-in-Picture Fullscreen This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Opaque Semi-Transparent Text Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Caption Area Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Drop shadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Utilice el servicio de élite para la aplicación de la Green Card Green Card Lottery Experts Solicita ahora Undo Since returning to power in Afghanistan in 2021, the Taliban have imposed harsh measures, banned women from public places and education for women and girls beyond the sixth grade. And though they have so far failed to gain recognition as the country's official government, the Taliban have diplomatic relations with several countries, including China and Russia. A message from the leader Akhundzada released his message on the Islamic holiday of Eid al-Adha , also known as the "Feast of Sacrifice," from the southern city of Kandahar, where he has set up base but is rarely seen in public. Live Events In a 45-minute audio recording shared by Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid on X, Akhundzada denounced the Trump administration for imposing "restrictions on people." "Citizens from 12 countries are barred from entering their land - and Afghans are not allowed either," he said. "Why? Because they claim the Afghan government has no control over its people and that people are leaving the country. So, oppressor! Is this what you call friendship with humanity?" He blamed the U.S. for the deaths of Palestinian women and children in Gaza, linking this allegation to the travel ban. "You are committing acts that are beyond tolerance," he added. The Trump administration says the measure is meant to protect U.S. citizens from "aliens who intend to commit terrorist attacks, threaten our national security, espouse hateful ideology, or otherwise exploit the immigration laws for malevolent purposes." It argues that Afghanistan lacks a competent central authority for issuing passports or civil documents and lacks appropriate screening and vetting measures. It also says Afghans who visit the U.S. have a high visa overstay rate. Trump also suspended a core refugee program in January, all but ending support for Afghans who had allied with the U.S. and leaving tens of thousands of them stranded. The Taliban offer amnesty Also on Saturday, the Taliban prime minister said that all Afghans who fled the country after the collapse of the former Western-backed government are free to return home, promising they would be safe. "Afghans who have left the country should return to their homeland," Mohammad Hassan Akhund said. "Nobody will harm them." "Come back to your ancestral land and live in an atmosphere of peace," the Taliban prime minister said in a message on X and instructed officials to ensure returning refugees were given shelter and support. He also used the occasion to criticize the media for making what he said were "false judgements" about Afghanistan's Taliban rulers and their policies. "We must not allow the torch of the Islamic system to be extinguished," he said. "The media should avoid false judgments and should not minimize the accomplishments of the system. While challenges exist, we must remain vigilant." The return of the Taliban rule The Taliban swept into the capital of Kabul and seized most of Afghanistan in a blitz in mid-August 2021 as the U.S. and NATO forces were in the last weeks of their pullout from the country after 20 years of war. The offensive prompted a mass exodus, with tens of thousands of Afghans thronging the airport in chaotic scenes, hoping for a flight out on the U.S. military airlift. People also fled across the border, to neighboring Iran and Pakistan. Among those escaping the new Taliban rulers were also former government officials, journalists, activists, those who had helped the U.S. during its campaign against the Taliban. Separately, Afghans in neighboring Pakistan who are awaiting resettlement are also dealing with a deportation drive by the Islamabad government to get them out of the country. Almost a million have left Pakistan since October 2023 to avoid arrest and expulsion.
