&w=3840&q=100)
Indians in US Colleges are in a crisis: One reason is that they have stopped learning
We, Indians, have to reject the models of learning we were drilled into by schools, colleges, corporate employers and peer groups which have turned us into mere employable robots and stop trying to force-fit our resplendent cultural traditions and expressions into the fringes and anonymous cubicles of modern society read more
'Vācālatvaṃ ca pāṇḍitye yaśorthe dharmasevanam'
(In Kali Yuga, people think prattling is a mark of erudition and do dharma only for personal fame.)
- Kalki Purana
In the past few weeks, Indian-descent students in general and Hindu students in particular have been in the news once again. At UC Berkeley, a student request to observe a 'Hindu Heritage Month' was denied by student officials who said they were worried about 'Hindu Nationalism'. At Harvard, Hindu students spoke up about Hinduphobia when they found that the South Asia Institute there had hosted Pakistani government officials in a conference just days after the Pahalgam massacre, where Hindus and Christians were singled out and executed on the basis of their religion.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
If Berkeley and Harvard students were concerned about Hinduphobia, some MIT students were more worried, though, about Palestinian victims of war. Megha Vemuri, a computation and cognition student ('science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM)' presumably, and not 'humanities'), won admiration and censure (from different quarters) after giving a pro-Palestine speech at the commencement.
This article tries to analyse how Hindus typically respond to news concerning US colleges and identifies some institutional realities (and possibilities) which Hindu students, parents, and other stakeholders in US higher education from India should become aware of if they wish to ever acquire a little more clarity and influence. It comes from the personal and professional experience not of a political or community leader but that of an American liberal arts professor who believes that the emergence of a genuine Hindu voice in American humanities and social sciences is long overdue. It will be good for both American society and the well-being of Indian-descent students who are increasingly failing to find a purpose rooted in sanatana dharma for their lives and careers and pursue it instead in what they think is the most burning issue of the day, which is protecting Palestinians, Kashmiris, and other minorities facing persecution from 'Hindutvas' and 'Zionists'.
Now, it may well be the case that these students are correct, and worried Hindu uncles and aunties on the internet are wrong. After all, these students and their parents are smart and accomplished and get into the most prestigious universities in the world. But, all the same, it is worth making the case that there might be things they don't know, just as there are things that their critics on social media, who are many, also do not know.
On one side is the certainty that students who fight Zionism and Hindutva are on the morally righteous path of history. On the other side is the view that such students (and their parents or their teachers) are zombies or 'useful idiots' who are supporting imperialist religious bigotry and terrorist violence against Hindus, Jews, and others designated as 'Kafirs'. This is the reality of university life. There are a lot of different beliefs and opinions floating around, but as teachers and students, we have a duty to keep the focus on learning and on keeping learning open.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
The Anti-Establishmentarian Establishment
The first theme to recognise is that the majority of Hindu parents in America quite likely do not share the frustration and anger that erupts in Hindu and Indian 'RW' social media circles whenever incidents like the above are reported. It is a folly on the part of those in the latter circles to assume otherwise.
Most immigrant Indian parents in America are tightly focused on measuring their children's progress through the lens of career success, and their child giving a speech on an issue that half the country's cultural, educational, business, and political establishment backs will not bother them. They share that establishment's view that this is a moral issue and know deep down that it is also not a really dangerous or self-defeating view.
The genius of 'woke' issues in recent times is that they allow people to think they are anti-establishment while actually doing the work of the same. For Gen X or older Millennial parents who have left 'religion' behind, STEM success and establishment-sanctioned moral politics are the new faith. And even for parents who still remain religious in some sense, there is a convenient discourse available now which argues that the ideal way to be a Hindu today is to support the human rights of persecuted groups like Palestinians, Kashmiris, victims of Hindutva and Zionism, and Brahmanism, and so on.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Then, there are other parents who do worry a little when they see incidents such as this but satisfy themselves that as long as their children get good marks and jobs, none of this will affect them anyway. A subset of them might get involved with some sort of voluntary work for what the community calls Hindu 'advocacy', educating lawmakers, canvassing voter support, and so on.
Students and Teachers Should Lead the Change, Not Lobbies and 'Leaders'
The second theme pertains to the patterns of response within this last subsection. No doubt, the numbers of people and the number of Hindu voluntary organisations trying to do something have grown in the last two decades. They face severe challenges in terms of resources and know-how, as well as 'know-why', a problem in social-historical self-knowledge, which we explain further below. But the pattern of response here is typically to host a bunch of online talks and then move from one gathering or 'awareness day' to the next. But we rarely see organising oriented towards securing long-term institutional changes in universities.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Right from the 1960s, most changes in academia have happened as a result of universities agreeing to set up tenured faculty positions for specific areas of study demanded by student groups. University administrators take student needs seriously in America, and so do faculty. If students point out a gap in a curriculum or systemic flaws in how a student constituency is being taught about in the relevant area studies or identity studies courses, they may well be invited to join in the conversation to create a course or program. If students make the case in a sustained scholarly manner (usually with help from sympathetic vanguard academic mentors), then the university will find the funds to create a position and fill it.
If, say, a university agreed to create a tenure track position in Hinduphobia Studies or Hindu Human Rights, it will imply that every academic year, anywhere from 100 to 300 students (depending on the size of the campus) of all backgrounds, not just Hindus, will be educated, formally, in issues which so far have remained only in easily ignorable online spaces. And if that professor stays on and gets tenured, you are looking at a 30-year project or 30 multiplied by 100-300 students who have been exposed to their ideas over three decades.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Thousands, if not tens of thousands, of students can get educated on human rights issues faced by Hindus, and not just in a fleeting online or weekend gathering format, but in an in-depth seminar meeting for several hours every week for a whole semester. Learning is built in-depth, and so is a long-term legacy for this body of learning in society at large as students graduate and go to work in humanities professions like teaching, arts, writing, journalism, media, film-making, social work, politics, diplomacy, and so on.
This basic reality is something most other communities in US colleges are aware of. For instance, in the last two years of sweeping pro-Palestine activism on campuses, one of the demands universities have acceded to is exactly this – more tenured positions and programmes in Palestine studies. Hindu organisations trying to offer moral and social support to Hindu college students, on the other hand, tend to approach campus Hindu issues in a top-down manner, completely bypassing the educational component of the Hindu student experience. They seem overly obsessed with framing the problem as a 'religious' need issue, ignoring the core academic elephant in the room, and demanding cosmetic 'student life' things like a prayer room or a 'recognition note' or a 'Hindu Chaplain'.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Hindus Should Talk Human Rights, Not Multicultural Platitudes
These demands don't pose any challenge to the academic status quo or its main product, which is a false story about Hindus, Hinduism, and India today. Demanding recognition or praise for a religion in campus life outside of the classroom merely skirts around the issue and often backfires too. 'Islamophobia' and 'antisemitism' are understood on US campuses by faculty, students, and administrators as human rights issues, whereas anything 'Hindu' comes across to them as a demand for just one religion to be treated like it's 'special'.
That is one reason for the deep inertia on campuses when it comes to Hindu issues (based on personal experience, once again, of three decades in US universities and very specific conversations to this effect). On that note, one wonders, for example, how the Berkeley student officials might have reacted if the demand was made not for a 'Hindu Heritage Month' with a focus on how successful Hindu Americans have been in America (which often defeats the messaging about 'Hinduphobia' later) but simply and directly for an 'Anti-Hindu Racism and Genocide Awareness Month', forcing opponents to really reconsider which side of racism they want to be on.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Demonstrating bias, error, and egregious racism inside the institution's core product itself, its 'knowledge' about us, and demanding our right to speak to it, is the only duty we have if in a university. And on this point, one more nuance needs to be understood. There are many more subjects beyond just 'religion' or 'Hinduism Studies' in which proper, academically guided engagement needs to take place. Community leaders and groups have in the past taken a helicopter view, assuming that all they had to do was to raise donations to buy India or Hinduism Chairs, and the problem vanishes. Unfortunately, this did not win the grace of the Goddess of Learning, and it seems that at least that lesson has been learnt.
The Tamas-Rajas Trap
The third theme, a key one in understanding our diagnosis here, has to do with why the obvious path towards long-term change hasn't been sighted, let alone pursued with determination by the Hindu community here. Rather than the usual blame games or the usual clichés about 'lack of unity', one may gain from a yogic view.
Hindu responses to the deeply entrenched problems of Hinduphobia in the academia, in the media, and in the world at large seem to swing between a state of 'Rajas' and 'Tamas.' In the past ten years or so, the following pattern has played out numerous times. There are long periods of silence, punctuated by very routine, low-key, non-controversial cultural events and gatherings by Hindu or Indian students. At this same time, other initiatives, often bearing the signature worldview and institutional legitimacy and heft of South Asia studies faculty and their allies, progress very quickly. Professors get other professors and activists and lobbyists to come to campuses to speak about Hindutva and caste. Documentaries are screened about Hindu patriarchy and violence (but never about, say, the devastating phenomenon of 'grooming gangs' in the UK). Peer pressure grows enormously on the vast number of silent, usually STEM-focused Indian students, to the point where even their non-controversial activities like celebrating Holi or Diwali suddenly become a political and moral choice they have to make.
Usually around this time, a small group of students get emboldened. Their friends, from former students to community leaders, step in to advise them. Suddenly, there is a big-name event advertised, usually featuring a controversial speaker, usually a non-academic, and usually from India. Backlash ensues. After a brief bout of Rajassic assertiveness, the Tamas returns. For months, maybe years, students become overcautious and refrain from speaking up even when legitimacy and timing are on their side. In this Rajas-Tamas brashness and timidity cycle, the 'Satvic' moment rarely gets to stick, unfortunately.
Truth: There is a Threat, and There is Fear
The fourth and last theme to consider here is that of ignorance and fear. We do not say 'ignorance' in a judgemental manner, but to merely connote a lack of information, understanding, and experience in navigating educational institutions as a minority community and in surviving more generally in a host society where xenophobia and religious racism are clearly rising on both sides of their political divide.
Hopefully, the first part of this problem, which is the fear of making institutional demands from universities that Hindu students, parents and community leaders (who are invariably from outside academia, or at least the pertinent fields of study in academia) seem to have, will be usefully mitigated by the facts shared in this essay. Most of the time, when we swing from aggressive posturing to timid self-erasure in our actions, it may well be because we haven't learnt enough about the ecology we inhabit so as to centre ourselves in the balanced middle. A satvic understanding of what Hindu students today can do while in college to their home of four (or more) years so as to make it better for their younger siblings and descendants will be a wonderful quality to cultivate and practice.
Unfortunately, there is a deeper problem of fear among Hindus which really needs to be talked about as well. A lot of modern Hindu behaviour in America can be understood in relation to this. Brash, successful, pro-Palestine 'HINO' Hindus (as they are called), as well as more culturally rooted and concerned Hindus worried about Hinduphobia, all have one reality they share. Hindus live in a world that is non-Hindu at best and anti-Hindu at worst. We are all coping with it. 'HINO' Hindus believe they have achieved top-level cosmopolitanism and that there is no such thing as anti-Hindu bigotry or prejudice in the world. What they don't realise is that there is something in the social and political ecology of the world which has turned them, in just two or three generations from their grandparents' time, into whatever deracinated cosmopolitan far-right jihadist-supporting personas they now inhabit. They are, in a way, converts, not to the usual converting religions, but to the extremely superficial and shaky religion of selectively secular progressivism. It gives them an air of certainty and comfort and even superiority. But from the time of the Inquisitions to the present, a coercive system will always demand purity tests. Even someone as American, Californian, and culturally cosmopolitan as former Vice President Kamala Harris, for example, was accused of being a Brahmin supremacist by some activists.
But for Hindus in America who still like to think they are spiritually and culturally active and would like to see the same in their otherwise materially successful children going to college, that fear plays out in a different way. They have found a way to cope by downplaying the threats which produce that fear and exaggerating the things which they think can counteract those threats: their education, economic status, model-minority good conduct, faith in liberal democracy, avoiding controversy and so on. They look at other immigrants who are successful and imitate each other, confining Hinduism to safe and tested routines like temples, hurried weekend classes for children, and, of late, a little bit of engagement with politicians, usually to get 'recognition' proclamations passed. With the rise of the internet and social media, they have become more aware of problems and threats but have also fallen into the inertia of false security and complacency in gatherings and numbers.
But the fact that they rarely go beyond talking about problems to doing what actually needs to be done (in higher education, in the case of this article) shows they are perhaps paralysed by fear too, sometimes, quite literally. In a recent planning meeting for Hindu parents organising children's weekend classes for the coming year, a suggestion to include college experience 'reality check' orientation sessions for high school students by professors and old students from the program now in college led to some strangely confused, silent responses, with people staring down at the floor and freezing up in tension!
No wonder some Hindu American parents lament that their children loved Hinduism and Indian culture when in school but turned viciously anti-Hindu in college. Colleges will teach your children in their Hinduism, South Asian history and politics, or diaspora studies classes that their innocent childhood memories of going to Bala Vikas or Bala Vihar were actually wrong and that these were Hindu nationalist indoctrination camps. That's what is published in peer-reviewed journals and books, and that's what is prescribed, and that's what will be taught (not always, but in most cases).
The professors in many cases may not actually know better, and the students who do know better unfortunately have never been taught by parents or elders that they do have a right, indeed a duty, to speak up and assert the truth. And now, as more and more unhappy stories emerge, whether it is of extreme violence like Pahalgam or extreme self-censorship over it by Hindu students and parents, the elephant in the room has to be named. Maybe 'Hinduphobia' is a term that should be re-understood not as bigotry or aversion against Hindus but simply as the Hindu state of perpetual fear of being Hindu.
Smash the Hinduphobia – at Home, First!
The cause of that fear is not paranoia but the fact that there is a threat, and even those who avoid seeing it perhaps know it deep down in their hearts. To get out of this paralysis, though, is possible. Borrowed clichés from American liberalism or right-wingism won't do it. We must return to our ancient critical tradition of saying Neti, Neti.
We have to reject the models of learning we were drilled into by schools and colleges and corporate employers and peer groups which have turned us into mere employable robots and stop trying to force-fit our resplendent cultural traditions and expressions into the fringes and anonymous cubicles of modern society.
We must stop asking for small favours from modern institutions and rise to look at our role as the big favour we are about to do for all of them, given how much their 'brotherhood of man' dreams swinging between Left and Right extremes have failed and how we still carry the energy and purpose and protection of our 'motherhood of god' traditions in us.
We must learn, however we can, to learn again. We have to become, each, our own cultural and spiritual revolutionary schools. A saffron storm must rise over these overrated racist hold-outs and teach them what it means to learn and to live under our mother earth's reign once again.
Vamsee Juluri is Professor of Media Studies, University of San Francisco. He has authored several books, including 'Rearming Hinduism: Nature, Hinduphobia and the Return of Indian Intelligence' (Westland, 2015). C Raghothama Rao is a writer, podcaster and YouTuber. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Hindustan Times
an hour ago
- Hindustan Times
India seeks exemption from US' 10% baseline tariff
The fate of the 10% baseline tariffs that the Trump administration invoked on imports from all countries on April 2 is among the issues now at the heart of negotiations between New Delhi and Washington as they attempt to hammer out an early tranche of the trade deal, people aware of the matter have said. Delhi is not in favour of replicating, as suggested by the American negotiators, the approach in the trade deal struck between the US and the UK, where British goods are still subject to the baseline tariffs, these people added. According to a person with direct knowledge of the discussions, Indian negotiators are pushing for their American counterparts to remove the baseline 10% rate as well as commit to assurances that the additional 16%, due to be implemented on July 9, will be left off. An American negotiating team led by assistant US Trade Representative Brendan Lynch 4 landed in Delhi on June for what is the fifth time negotiators from either side have gone to the other's capital for face-to-face talks. The American delegation is expected to be in Delhi till June 10, longer than the previously expected two-day visit. ALSO READ | India-US trade negotiations hit top gear, American delegation extends Delhi stay 'Ideally, both the 10% baseline tariff on Indian goods and the additional 16% from July 9 must end simultaneously after an interim deal is signed. Else, India will also have rights to continue proportionately similar tariffs on American goods till the time the US withdraws the entire 26% reciprocal tariff,' one of them said, citing a joint statement by the two countries' leaders issued on February 13 in Washington. While expounding 'Mission-500' to double bilateral trade to $500 billion by 2030 on February 13, the two leaders – Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Donald Trump – in their joint statement mentioned the need for new 'fair-trade terms' that are 'mutually beneficial', the person said. A second person aware of the matter corroborated India's stance: 'Only a mutually beneficial deal would have a long life'. 'Both India and the US are sovereigns. One is the oldest democracy and the other is the largest democracy. While the US is the largest economy, India is the fastest growing major economy of the world. Hence, the deal must be balanced, equitable, fair and acceptable to their people,' the first person said. The second person added that India sees trade interests between both nations as being 'complementary and not competitive', hence New Delhi is open to giving greater market access to the American goods in the Indian market provided Washington reciprocates. 'The trade negotiations continue in New Delhi covering all these matters in a constructive manner as we speak and both sides are hopeful for a win-win,' he said. ALSO READ | Donald Trump claims India willing to cut 100% tariffs on US goods, 'but…' After UK industries faced American tariffs of 25% on all aluminium, steel and derivatives (announced on March 12), 25% tariff on passenger vehicles (announced on April 3), 25% tariff on automobile parts (beginning May 3), and a 10% baseline tariff on all imports (from April 5) – the UK and the US on May 8 announced an economic prosperity deal (EPD). The mini deal secured some concessions for the UK, but the 10% baseline tariff continued. Both partners are racing to conclude an interim, or regarded as an 'early harvest', deal before July 9, which will be followed by a wider first tranche of Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA) by September-October 2025. After that a comprehensive BTA will be negotiated, they said. ALSO READ | How Donald Trump decided the tariff for India The current negotiations for an early harvest deal involve greater market access for goods by eliminating tariffs and non-tariff trade barriers, and improving supply chain integration, they said. The current New Delhi round is followed by a face-to-face negotiation between the two teams in the US. During that period, Union commerce and industry minister Piyush Goyal was also in the US from May 17-22 where he held meetings with his counterparts, US commerce secretary Howard Lutnick and USTR Jamieson Greer.


Hindustan Times
an hour ago
- Hindustan Times
No tolerance for terror, allies must understand, says India
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and external affairs minister S Jaishankar reiterated India's 'zero tolerance' policy for terrorism and the need for decisive international action against terror and those who support it during meetings with British foreign secretary David Lammy on Saturday. Modi said India valued Britain's backing for the fight against cross-border terrorism while Jaishankar said India's partners should understand the 'zero tolerance' policy for terrorism as the country will never accept the perpetrators of terrorism being treated at par with victims. The remarks by the top Indian leadership, made against the backdrop of several countries hyphenating India and Pakistan during last month's military clashes, reiterated to the world community New Delhi's new approach to fighting cross-border terrorism backed by Islamabad. Britain's foreign office had said before Lammy's meeting with Indian interlocutors that he would address how the current peace between India and Pakistan can be supported for regional stability. ALSO READ | UK expresses support for India's fight against cross-border terrorism Modi said in a social media post after meeting Lammy that he values 'UK's support for India's fight against cross-border terrorism'. He also appreciated Lammy's 'substantive contribution to the remarkable progress in our Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, further strengthened by the recently concluded FTA'. A statement from the external affairs ministry said Modi had 'underscored the need for a decisive international action against terrorism and those who support it' - an apparent reference to Pakistan. The two leaders discussed regional and global issues and Lammy 'strongly condemned the Pahalgam terror attack and expressed support for India's fight against cross-border terrorism', the statement said. Modi also expressed satisfaction at the conclusion of the free trade agreement (FTA) and the double contribution convention and expressed satisfaction at the deepening of the bilateral comprehensive strategic partnership. He welcomed continued collaboration under the Technology Security Initiative (TSI), especially its potential to 'shape trusted and secure innovation ecosystems'. Modi also reiterated his invitation to British Prime Minister Keir Starmer to visit India. ALSO READ | Terrorism no proxy war, but planned one: Modi Lammy arrived in New Delhi on Saturday morning for meetings to review the bilateral partnership, especially trade and strategic ties, a month after India and the UK finalised the FTA. Lammy had visited Pakistan shortly after New Delhi and Islamabad reached an understanding on halting military actions on May 10. In his opening remarks at the meeting with Lammy, Jaishankar thanked the UK government for the strong condemnation of the 'barbaric terrorist attack' in Pahalgam and its support to India in the fight against terror. 'We practice a policy of zero tolerance against terrorism and expect our partners to understand it, and we will never countenance perpetrators of evil being put at par with its victims,' he said. Lammy responded by referring to the 'horrific terrorist attack' and said Prime Minister Starmer had asked him to convey the 'deep condolences of the UK and a hand of friendship with India and support as we deal with the terrorism threat in a comprehensive manner'. Jaishankar described the finalisation of the FTA and double contribution convention as a milestone that will boost two-way trade and investment and have a 'positive effect on other strategic aspects' of bilateral relations, besides strengthening supply and value chains. ALSO READ | 'New normal': Shashi Tharoor on India's approach towards terrorism with Operation Sindoor He also referred to other significant initiatives that have seen progress, such as the TSI for deeper collaboration in strategic sectors such as AI, semiconductors, telecom, quantum computing, health technology, critical minerals and advanced materials. The TSI, coordinated by the national security advisers of India and the UK, was launched during Lammy's last visit to New Delhi in July 2024. 'We have also launched the Strategic Exports and Technology Cooperation Dialogue, the first meeting of which was held…this week. This will enhance, among others, the TSI's effectiveness in promoting trade in critical and emerging technologies, including the resolution of relevant licencing or regulatory issues,' Jaishankar said. The India-UK infrastructure financial bridge can unlock quality long-term capital flows from Britain to India and contribute to infrastructure development, and there is also good collaboration in the education sector with many UK universities planning to establish campuses in India, he said. Lammy described the finalisation of the FTA as Britain winning a 'trophy' and the beginning of a new era in bilateral ties since it is expected to increase will trade by £25.5 billion. He also conveyed the UK's interest in enhancing cooperation in key sectors such as trade, investment, defence and security, technology, innovation and clean energy. Lammy also met commerce minister Piyush Goyal and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval. A readout from Britain's foreign office said bolstering economic and migration ties and delivering growth opportunities for British businesses topped the agenda for Lammy's visit. Lammy also focused on the migration partnership, including 'work on safeguarding citizens and securing borders in both countries'. The readout added, 'Addressing migration remains a top priority for the government - the Foreign Secretary is focused on working internationally with global partners to secure the UK's borders at home.' Lammy's visit would also prepare the grounds for a visit by Starmer to India for the formal signing of the FTA. Both countries are currently involved in the legal scrubbing of the FTA, a process expected to be completed in three months. During 2023-24, India was the UK's second largest source of investments in terms of number of projects for the fifth consecutive year. India was the UK's 11th largest trading partner in 2024, accounting for 2.4% of total British trade, and two-way trade in goods and services was worth nearly $57 billion in 2024. The FTA is expected to increase bilateral trade by $34 billion a year from 2040. Within a decade of the deal being implemented, 85% of British products will become tariff-free in India. Indian tariffs on alcohol will be cut from 150% to 75%, falling to 40% by the 10th year of the deal. India will also cut automotive tariffs from more than 100% to 10%. The UK too has agreed to cut its tariffs and 99% of India's exports to Britain will face no duties.


Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
LOP's desperation over Congress losses on display: BJP
NEW DELHI: Top BJP functionaries including party president J P Nadda and Dharmendra Pradhan on Saturday reacted vehemently to Congress member Rahul Gandhi's latest claim questioning the Maharashtra assembly polls, saying that the leader of opposition in Lok Sabha was reflecting his desperation after his party's losses and the looming one in Bihar assembly polls. "Rahul Gandhi's latest article is a blueprint for manufacturing fake narratives, owing to his sadness and desperation of losing election after election," said Nadda in response to Gandhi's article which appeared in a national daily on Saturday. Citing factors that "doomed" Congress in recent polls, Nadda said Congress gets defeated election after election due to his (Rahul Gandhi's) antics. "Instead of introspecting, he cooks up bizarre conspiracies and cries rigging. Ignores all facts and data. Defames institutions with zero proof and hopes for headlines over facts," the BJP president said in a post on X. Nadda said despite being exposed time and again, Rahul shamelessly keeps peddling lies. "And, he is doing this because a defeat in Bihar is certain," he said adding that democracy doesn't need drama but truth. Pradhan said Rahul Gandhi's post on Maharashtra elections is nothing more than a predictable script-lose elections, discredit institutions, fabricate conspiracies, and portray himself as a victim of an imaginary system. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 신차장기렌트 첫달 렌트료 전액지원해드립니다. 신차장기렌트센터 더 알아보기 Undo "But India's democracy is far stronger than the insecurities of a dynast who refuses to accept repeated electoral verdicts," Pradhan, a prominent OBC face of BJP, said. He said it there's any rigging Rahul should be worried about, it's the kind his own party mastered for decades-from Emergency to misusing Article 356 over 90 times to dismiss opposition govts. "Let's not forget, this is the same Rahul Gandhi who falsely claimed in Cambridge that Indian democracy is 'dead', yet participates in elections, campaigns freely, and blames EVMs only when he loses," the senior BJP functionary said.