Border dispute with India complicated, takes time; ready to discuss delimitation, says China
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, in his meeting with Chinese counterpart Dong Jun in Qingdao on June 26, proposed that India and China should solve the "complex issues" under a structured road map comprising steps to de-escalate tensions along the frontiers and rejuvenate the existing mechanism to demarcate the borders.
Mr. Singh and Mr. Dong held bilateral talks on the sidelines of a conclave of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in the Chinese port city of Qingdao, with a focus on maintaining peace and tranquillity along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).
Also Read | What is it about the nature of the India-China conflict that defies resolution?
Asked for China's reaction to Mr. Singh's remarks, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said, 'What I can tell you is that China and India have established the Special Representatives (SRs) mechanism on the boundary question and reached the Agreement on the Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for the Settlement of the China-India Boundary Question".
The two sides have diplomatic and military communication mechanisms at various levels, she said.
'China stands ready to maintain communication with India on issues, including delimitation negotiation and border management, jointly keep the border areas peaceful and tranquil, and promote cross-border exchange and cooperation,' she said.
Questioned about the prolonged delay in resolving the border issue despite 23 rounds of the SR-level talks, Ms. Mao said, 'The boundary question is complicated, and it takes time to settle it'.
'The positive side is that the two countries have already established mechanisms at various levels for thorough communication. We hope that India will work with China in the same direction, continue to stay in communication on relevant issue and jointly keep the border areas peaceful and tranquil,' she said.
First meeting of SRs
The 23rd round of the meeting of the SRs, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, was held here in December last year. It was the first meeting of the SRs since frictions had emerged in the Western Sector of the India-China border areas in 2020.
The SRs in their meeting positively affirmed the implementation of the latest disengagement agreement of October 2024, resulting in patrolling and grazing in relevant areas.
In his meeting with Mr. Dong, Mr. Singh had emphasised the need to create "good neighbourly conditions" to achieve the best mutual benefits and called for "taking action on the ground" to bridge the "trust deficit" resulting from the 2020 eastern Ladakh border standoff, according to an Indian readout.
Mr. Singh also briefed Mr. Dong on the Pahalgam terror attack targeting innocent civilians, and India's Operation Sindoor to dismantle the terrorist networks in Pakistan.
The Singh-Dong meeting came amid efforts by both New Delhi and Beijing to reset their ties following an understanding last October to end the military stand-off along the LAC in eastern Ladakh.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Indian Express
3 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Daily Briefing: Tariffs, talks and tightropes
Good morning, Let me take you back to 2004 for a moment. You're in the theatre, watching Shah Rukh Khan's Main Hoon Na, and just when you thought the movie was over, it cuts to another song and dance sequence. One by one, not just the cast but even the usually behind-the-scenes crew appear on screen, dancing to 'Ye Fizaein'. Three years later, Farah Khan would do it again with Om Shanti Om, asking crew members to walk down the red carpet. It's all a bit silly, but wildly entertaining. These end-credit sequences also serve a bigger purpose of interrogating the way films — and capitalism itself — are structured. Contributing writer Aamatullah Rajkotwala writes in the latest 'Fresh Take' that these end-credit scenes challenge the capitalistic tendency of 'commodity fetishism', when a product is valued more than the labour which produced it. Do we then dare call Farah Khan an accidental Marxist? On that note, let's get to today's edition. In the next two weeks, India will engage key partners Russia and China. On August 21, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar will visit Moscow to meet his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov, paving the way for President Vladimir Putin's potential visit to India. Crucially, Putin is set to meet US President Donald Trump in Alaska tomorrow. New Delhi will watch their talks closely. If Putin and Trump reach a framework for ending the war in Ukraine, India could avoid the additional 25 per cent US tariff linked to its Russian oil purchases. On August 18, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi will visit India for talks with National Security Advisor Ajit Doval ahead of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in China later this month, which Prime Minister Narendra Modi is slated to attend. Tightrope: These engagements are part of New Delhi's multi-alignment foreign policy, but it will be careful not to be seen as part of an 'anti-Western' grouping. India has often portrayed itself as non-Western, and not anti-Western. Beijing has been seeking an India-Russia-China trilateral meeting, but New Delhi has so far refused to participate. Trumponomics: These geopolitical churnings gained urgency in the face of Trump's steep tariffs. Trump has raised duties on all trading partners, pushing the average import tariff to 15–20 per cent from 3 per cent in January. While the broader economic impact is yet to show, inflationary signs are emerging. How has the US avoided the worst of Trumponomics? Read my colleague Anil Sasi's report. Pak hand: Amid New Delhi's strained ties with Washington DC, Pakistan has improved its relationship with the US under Trump. Army Chief Syed Asim Munir has visited the US twice on high-level trips in less than two months. While Pakistan's army has long exercised de facto control over the country's governance, Munir's emergence as Pakistan's numero uno figure on the international stage is unprecedented. The first batch of Agniveers, part of the new Agnipath recruitment scheme, is set to complete their four-year term by 2026-end. Sources have told The Indian Express that discussions are underway to increase the retention of Agniveers after their performance in Operation Sindoor was found to be 'excellent'. Why does the Army want more manpower, and what could be the potential changes for Agniveers? Read our report. Drug bust: Mephedrone, a synthetic drug, has emerged as a key challenge for enforcement agencies in recent years. In the last five years alone, investigators have seized mephedrone worth Rs 9,522 crore from Maharashtra. At the heart of the drug network, which stretches to the UAE and Turkey, is believed to be mastermind Salim Dola, a wanted figure in the narcotics trade and linked to the Dawood Ibrahim gang. The Mumbai Crime Branch says it is closer than ever to apprehending Dola. Here's how they connected the dots to reach the drug lord. Balancing act: The Ajit Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) finds itself in an uneasy position in its alliance with the BJP and Shiv Sena in Maharashtra. Recent moves by the Deputy Chief Minister, Pawar, including support of the Qureshi community against self-styled cow vigilantes and questioning orders to shut meat shops on Independence Day, are seen as efforts to project the NCP as unwaveringly secular. Zeeshan Shaikh explains what necessitates Pawar's balancing act, and whether it has worked. 🎧 For more on the cow vigilante issue in Maharashtra, tune in to today's '3 Things' podcast episode. Mounting troubles: Can a mountain of coal go missing? Authorities in Meghalaya are faced with a bizarre problem. Almost 4,000 metric tonnes — that's 40 lakh kilograms — of illegally mined coal in the South West Khasi Hills district has gone missing. Was it 'swept away by heavy rain' as excise minister Kyrmen Shylla suggested? The issue, at the centre of a political firestorm, even reached the Meghalaya High Court, which formed a one-member panel to monitor coal mining in the state. Imagine the Indian government, the American CIA and the British MI5 working together. No, this isn't the plot of a Netflix thriller. In the late 1950s, the trio teamed up to carry out a clandestine operation to spy on the communists in Kerala. I leave you with this column by Paul McGarr, author and lecturer, that has fascinating details on the operation. That's all for today, folks! Until tomorrow, Sonal Gupta
Time of India
3 minutes ago
- Time of India
IAF Chief Confirmed 5 Pak Jets Downed, Aviation Expert Tom Cooper Says 'Evidence' Of Even More
International military aviation analysts have backed IAF Chief Air Chief Marshal Amar Preet Singh's claim that at least five Pakistani jets and one airborne early warning aircraft were shot down during Operation Sindoor. Renowned aerial warfare expert Tom Cooper said Singh's remarks confirm what had already been assessed in May. Cooper added there's evidence of even more Pakistani aircraft being downed or destroyed on the ground. He also endorsed Singh's statement that the IAF's S-400 missile hit a target 300 km away — calling it a historic world record and highlighting the high-risk deployment near Pakistani artillery range.#operationsindoor #iaf #indianairforce #s400 #pakistanairforce #tomcooper #airchiefmarshalamarpreetsingh #saab2000 #longestrangeshotdown #militaryaviation #indiapakistanconflict #airwarfare #toi #toibharat Read More
&w=3840&q=100)
Business Standard
3 minutes ago
- Business Standard
Should Intel's treatment worry Silicon Valley's powerful Indian diaspora
According to President Donald Trump, the rise of Intel Corp.'s CEO, Lip-Bu Tan, is 'an amazing story.' That's as much payoff as Tan can expect from his emergency meeting with Trump, who last week had demanded he 'resign, immediately' because he was 'highly CONFLICTED.' We don't know if Intel will be able to convince the administration to view its CEO with less disfavor. Some in Washington are concerned about Malaysian-born Tan's long history supporting and investing in the Chinese tech sector. And questions about how Intel intends to live up to government controls on the export of high-end technology under his leadership are, given this history, not unreasonable. Take a step back and ask yourself: Is there anything inherently questionable about a tech firm appointing a CEO with an eye for innovative and effective startups? At his venture capital firm Walden International, Tan invested in more than 100 Chinese companies, including an early bet on Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corp. Normally, this would be a count in his favor. The problem is a fear, both in Washington and in Silicon Valley, that the US and Chinese tech ecosystems are not complements but rivals. This wasn't the case in 2001, when Walden put money in SMIC. But it's certainly the general feeling today. Indian tech leaders have managed to escape similar scrutiny precisely because the tech scene here is seen as providing low-end support to US industry, not high-value competition. But how long will that be true? And what happens if it changes? New Delhi is not happy being a supporting player in the AI revolution. The country has begun to stockpile chips — compute capacity has passed 34,000 GPUs in May, according to government officials — and has already selected national champions it intends to support. Given the relative dynamism of India's startups, its tech sector will at some point produce a few success stories that challenge the dominance of US companies. That's good news for Indians. But it might make things more difficult for Indian-Americans in Silicon Valley. Across corporate America, but particularly in Big Tech, people of Indian descent have been disproportionately successful as leaders, more so perhaps than their colleagues of Chinese heritage. Think of Alphabet Inc.'s CEO Sundar Pichai, Microsoft Corp.'s Satya Nadella, Adobe Inc.'s Shantanu Narayen and IBM Corp.'s Arvind Krishna, for example. As Intel's troubles following its choice of Tan demonstrate, this might partly be because their home nation is not considered a strategic competitor to the US. That image is slowly changing in the Trump era. Indians in Silicon Valley have already discovered that things are bit harder now. H1-B visas, for example, are a political hot-button issue, and provided the first wedge in the relationship between Trump and Elon Musk. Trump has already made it clear that he doesn't want his backing of Big Tech to mean any jobs for Indians: 'Many of our largest tech companies have reaped the blessings of American freedom while building their factories in China, hiring workers in India and stashing profits in Ireland,' he said at a tech summit last month, adding: 'Under President Trump, those days are over.' So far, corporate leaders have not had to answer any questions about their distance from the sector back home. But the political environment will get more difficult to navigate as India's tech companies achieve greater autonomy and efficiency, and the Trump administration reworks policy. The 50 per cent tariff rate that New Delhi has been threatened with reveals how the president's mind works: He may not see India's trajectory as fundamentally different from China's, and his mercantilist soul rebels at the thought of collaborating with a future rival. An age of economic nationalism and competitive industrial policy will always be tough on cosmopolitan minorities. 'Dual loyalty' accusations gain no traction in an age of prosperous globalization, but have a long and dark history when populists seize power and turn back the clocks. The diaspora should not look at Tan's attempts to win over Trump with satisfaction or superiority. They might be next. Nor should they assume that they'll always be able to avoid similar accusations. The only reason they haven't faced them so far is that nobody thought their connections back home could ever be a problem. Here's the hard truth: India's success will mean the end of Silicon Valley's Indian-American golden age.
