Funding plan to help pay for police on school campuses set for full debate in Senate
SB 260 is an attempt to help school districts pay for a mandate that came in 2023
Texas public schools are required to have armed guards on campuses
Several public schools could not afford an armed guard
AUSTIN, Texas - Public schools in Texas are required to have armed guards on campuses. That mandate came in 2023.
SB 260 is an attempt to help school districts pay for what was a budget-crunching unfunded mandate.
What they're saying
Pflugerville ISD school board member Jean Mayer testified this week before the Senate Finance Committee about the legislation.
"The increases proposed in Senate Bill 260 are a step in the right direction," said Mayer.
SB 260 doubles the safety allotment sent to school districts.
That's an increase from $15,000 to $30,000 per campus, and the funding per student would go from $10 to $20.
"These improvements will allow districts to make meaningful investments in creating secure learning environments," said Mayer.
In saying that, Mayer told the committee the state safety mandate is expected to cost Pflugerville ISD nearly $2 million each year, with a one-time ramp-up cost of $1.2 million.
The additional $10 increase per student in SB 260 still leaves a big funding gap.
"The actual cost per student is $128 annually to fully implement those mandates. Even with the increase, we will still face a shortfall of $108 per student to comply with the law," said Mayer.
Dig deeper
The concern raised by Mayer at the committee hearing was echoed by other education advocates.
"We really need to make sure that we are equipping our campuses to provide the people to help our staff," said Heather Sheffield with the Association of Texas Professional Educators.
A cost breakdown of the funding gap starts with each badge that has to be hired.
"So, $30,000, that does sound like a lot of money. And statewide, having a certified peace officer on a campus costs around $80,000 or more in some cases," said Sheffield.
Another state gap includes the state mandate for schools to increase mental health programs. Lawmakers were urged to create a separate funding plan for that.
"I think anything that we can try to do is helpful, but obviously more needs to be done. Schools are seeing more behavioral issues than ever before. And mental health is a real problem that needs to be addressed," said Sheffield.
Assistant principals, in many schools, do a lot of mental health work. They are essentially fireman putting out one crisis after another. Sheffield agreed a shift in strategy is needed.
"I think it's really important that we allow our educators to be educators," said Sheffield.
What's next
Education advocates do not expect SB 260 to be amended with more funding. The plan is to work with what's provided and hope more funding will come in the next legislative session.
It's not known when SB 260 will come up next week for debate in the Senate.
The original safety mandate, issued two years ago, was HB 3. It was done in response to the Uvalde school shooting that happened in 2022.
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Sheffield, for example, has spent much of her 12 years on council cultivating an image as a progressive who is a champion for The People — and a problem for billionaire developers and others seeking tax breaks to build downtown while ignoring the neighborhoods. Yet her campaign finance report shows she is The Establishment's choice. Among her big benefactors is billionaire downtown developer and Rocket Mortgage Chairman Dan Gilbert, whose political action committee and executives made generous donations. The family and associates of Gary Torgow, a developer and banker who has been a key supporter of Detroit mayors dating back to at least Dennis Archer, are also among the power brokers ponying up for Sheffield. Kinloch, who started with a small congregation worshipping in a second-hand church, built Triumph Church into a multi-campus megachurch with an estimated 40,000 parishioners stretching from Wayne to Genesee County. While pastors can be notoriously, well, parochial when it comes to ecumenical matters like trying to hold onto their flock — especially when dynamic new preachers make the scene — they can also work closely together. If you thought that would give Kinloch an advantage over Sheffield when it comes to winning support of the prominent pastors who play a critical role in reaching Detroit voters, their campaign finance reports tell a different story. Sheffield's contributors include the Rev. Marvin Winans of Perfecting Church, the Rev. Wendell Anthony of Fellowship Chapel, Bishop Charles Ellis III of Greater Grace Temple and Bishop Corletta Vaughn of Holy Ghost Cathedral (though most of the pastors made donations that were far more modest than the tithes their congregants are expected to conjure). My investigation into contributions to the campaign committees of Sheffield and Kinloch, as well as the Detroit Next PAC, show that the influential Arab and Chaldean business communities and corporate PACs clearly favor one candidate, while the other candidate has built their war chest largely by relying on small, individual donors. I'll reveal more in a minute, after acknowledging the invaluable assistance and insights of Free Press intern Aurora Sousanis, who is so smart she left Ann Arbor and the "Harvard of the West" for Cambridge and the "Harvard of the East" ... better known as "Harvard." As a Spartan, I prefer to "Go Green," so let's see what we can glean from the green the candidates hoovered up over the past seven months. Following the money Perhaps the most noteworthy thing we found when analyzing Sheffield's and Kinloch's fundraising operations is just how much more successful the council president has been than the pastor. Elected officials always have an advantage — especially over first-time candidates — because they can rely on a donor base built up over years, they can transfer unused funds from previous campaigns, and they can turn to people who do business with the city (or who aspire to do business with the city) who need their support for their contract, a budget that includes their work or who have an issue they would like the city to address. Two key constituencies in Detroit politics are the Arab and Chaldean business owners who operate many of the city's gas stations and grocery and liquor stores. Sheffield's campaign finance report and Detroit Next's report show overwhelming support from these sources, including a $5,000 donation from the Chaldean Chamber of Commerce, while Kinloch has virtually no contributions from these communities. More: Kinloch believes in miracles. He may need one to beat Sheffield in Detroit mayor race More: False statement gets consultant probation in 'dark money' probe Labor and fat cats also clearly favor Sheffield. While Kinloch won the support of the UAW, Sheffield has collected tens of thousands in donations from influential unions representing electricians, carpenters, Teamsters, hospitality workers and service employees. Although Sheffield sent out a campaign email in June that said she is "not backed by billionaires or corporate PACs," her latest campaign finance report and Detroit Next's report include contributions ranging from $500 to $30,000 from corporate PACs representing law firms, Comcast and Rock Holdings — which is Gilbert's PAC. Sheffield's campaign acknowledged in June that the email was sent in error. When I asked them this past week if Sheffield has an official stance on corporate PACs — say, for example, is she soliciting contributions, or does she just cash the checks when they come in — they failed to respond, despite numerous queries. Kinloch, on the other hand, has very few corporate PAC contributions beyond the $1,000 Comcast sent to each of the candidates. While Sheffield has been in the race longer, giving her a significant head start, the intensity of her fundraising is still startling compared with Kinloch. The most recent campaign finance reports available showed contributions made between Jan. 1 and July 20. Candidates and PACs are also required to disclose late contributions received after July 20 but before the Aug. 5 primary. Sheffield raised more than $160,000 in that two-week period — or more than one-third of the total amount Kinloch raised in the seven months between Jan. 1 and July 20. 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It's a shame that neither Sheffield nor her million-dollar campaign will. This column was updated to clarify Tate's position on endorsements in the mayor's race. Detroit Free Press intern Aurora Sousanis contributed reporting. M.L. Elrick is a Pulitzer Prize- and Emmy Award-winning investigative reporter, director of student investigative reporting program Eye On Michigan, and host of the ML's Soul of Detroit podcast. Contact him at mlelrick@ or follow him on X at @elrick, Facebook at ML Elrick and Instagram at ml_elrick. This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: Samuel L. Jackson opens his wallet for Detroit mayor's race Solve the daily Crossword
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Detroit mayoral race resets as Sheffield, Kinloch shift to one-on-one
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