Samuel L. Jackson opens his wallet in Detroit mayor race, and other campaign revelations

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I know what's not in Samuel L. Jackson's wallet: the $5,000 he donated to Mary Sheffield.
The Hollywood heavyweight is just one of the prominent contributors to the Detroit City Council president's mayoral campaign. Cookie Johnson, the wife of Lansing legend and Basketball Hall of Fame member Magic Johnson, is another one of Sheffield's celebrity donors.
You can learn a lot from campaign finance reports.
Sheffield finished first in the Aug. 5 primary that narrowed the field of candidates for mayor of Detroit down to two. She got nearly 51% of the vote after finishing first in fundraising with nearly $1.4 million.
The Rev. Solomon Kinloch Jr. finished second in the primary, but lagged far behind Sheffield in fundraising with just over $400,000.
Their reports, along with disclosures from Detroit Next, a pro-Sheffield political action committee, reveal some trends that contradict popular perception.
Sheffield, for example, has spent much of her 12 years on council cultivating an image as a progressive who is a champion for The People — and a problem for billionaire developers and others seeking tax breaks to build downtown while ignoring the neighborhoods.
Yet her campaign finance report shows she is The Establishment's choice.
Among her big benefactors is billionaire downtown developer and Rocket Mortgage Chairman Dan Gilbert, whose political action committee and executives made generous donations. The family and associates of Gary Torgow, a developer and banker who has been a key supporter of Detroit mayors dating back to at least Dennis Archer, are also among the power brokers ponying up for Sheffield.
Kinloch, who started with a small congregation worshipping in a second-hand church, built Triumph Church into a multi-campus megachurch with an estimated 40,000 parishioners stretching from Wayne to Genesee County.
While pastors can be notoriously, well, parochial when it comes to ecumenical matters like trying to hold onto their flock — especially when dynamic new preachers make the scene — they can also work closely together.
If you thought that would give Kinloch an advantage over Sheffield when it comes to winning support of the prominent pastors who play a critical role in reaching Detroit voters, their campaign finance reports tell a different story.
Sheffield's contributors include the Rev. Marvin Winans of Perfecting Church, the Rev. Wendell Anthony of Fellowship Chapel, Bishop Charles Ellis III of Greater Grace Temple and Bishop Corletta Vaughn of Holy Ghost Cathedral (though most of the pastors made donations that were far more modest than the tithes their congregants are expected to conjure).
My investigation into contributions to the campaign committees of Sheffield and Kinloch, as well as the Detroit Next PAC, show that the influential Arab and Chaldean business communities and corporate PACs clearly favor one candidate, while the other candidate has built their war chest largely by relying on small, individual donors.
I'll reveal more in a minute, after acknowledging the invaluable assistance and insights of Free Press intern Aurora Sousanis, who is so smart she left Ann Arbor and the "Harvard of the West" for Cambridge and the "Harvard of the East" ... better known as "Harvard."
As a Spartan, I prefer to "Go Green," so let's see what we can glean from the green the candidates hoovered up over the past seven months.
Following the money
Perhaps the most noteworthy thing we found when analyzing Sheffield's and Kinloch's fundraising operations is just how much more successful the council president has been than the pastor.
Elected officials always have an advantage — especially over first-time candidates — because they can rely on a donor base built up over years, they can transfer unused funds from previous campaigns, and they can turn to people who do business with the city (or who aspire to do business with the city) who need their support for their contract, a budget that includes their work or who have an issue they would like the city to address.
Two key constituencies in Detroit politics are the Arab and Chaldean business owners who operate many of the city's gas stations and grocery and liquor stores. Sheffield's campaign finance report and Detroit Next's report show overwhelming support from these sources, including a $5,000 donation from the Chaldean Chamber of Commerce, while Kinloch has virtually no contributions from these communities.
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Labor and fat cats also clearly favor Sheffield.
While Kinloch won the support of the UAW, Sheffield has collected tens of thousands in donations from influential unions representing electricians, carpenters, Teamsters, hospitality workers and service employees.
Although Sheffield sent out a campaign email in June that said she is "not backed by billionaires or corporate PACs," her latest campaign finance report and Detroit Next's report include contributions ranging from $500 to $30,000 from corporate PACs representing law firms, Comcast and Rock Holdings — which is Gilbert's PAC.
Sheffield's campaign acknowledged in June that the email was sent in error. When I asked them this past week if Sheffield has an official stance on corporate PACs — say, for example, is she soliciting contributions, or does she just cash the checks when they come in — they failed to respond, despite numerous queries.
Kinloch, on the other hand, has very few corporate PAC contributions beyond the $1,000 Comcast sent to each of the candidates.
While Sheffield has been in the race longer, giving her a significant head start, the intensity of her fundraising is still startling compared with Kinloch.
The most recent campaign finance reports available showed contributions made between Jan. 1 and July 20. Candidates and PACs are also required to disclose late contributions received after July 20 but before the Aug. 5 primary.
Sheffield raised more than $160,000 in that two-week period — or more than one-third of the total amount Kinloch raised in the seven months between Jan. 1 and July 20.
With 40,000 faithful behind him, Kinloch started with a potential pool of donors that would be the envy of any newbie.
Yet his campaign finance report is loaded with small donors — many of whom live outside Detroit — which appears to support the premise that while Kinloch many enjoy a large flock, there may not be enough Detroit voters in his congregation to help him beat Sheffield.
One of those congregants who is a Detroit voter is Detroit City Council President Pro Tem James Tate, who sent Kinloch $1,000.
Curiously, Tate's contribution lists him as an "executive" with Brand Nu Consulting, which is his wife's company.
He said the donation "came from his family," and that his wife's name should have been listed, too.
"I haven't endorsed anyone," Tate said.
Tate also said he wasn't worried that Sheffield might hold a grudge if she is elected mayor and he is reelected to council.
"I work with everyone," he said. "You'd have to ask her if she holds grudges."
Upon reflection, Tate said he supported both candidates — even if his money doesn't — and that he just wants "strong leaders in the city."
We'll take your money, not your questions
Our investigation ran across several questionable entries in Sheffield's campaign report, including recording multiple donations from the same donor without providing an accurate total. This is an important element of any campaign finance report because it helps candidates avoid accepting more than the maximum contribution limit allowed. (No individual may contribute more than $8,325 to a candidate in the mayor's race.)
We also found multiple donations by businesses, an apparent violation of Michigan campaign finance law, which forbids corporations from contributing directly to candidates.
Then there were the dozens of in-kind contributions — donations of goods or services made in lieu of monetary contributions — which are listed simply as "services donated." Michigan campaign finance law requires candidates to describe the goods or services provided. Sheffield's campaign didn't provide me with details when I asked, but they may not be so lucky with the Wayne County Clerk, who is responsible for demanding answers — and who has the power to get them.
I first contacted Sheffield's new spokesperson on the morning of Aug. 14 and asked to speak to someone who could address multiple issues we found. I was asked to provide my all questions in writing, which, as you know, I do not do because I believe candidates and public officials should be able to answer questions in a live and spontaneous exchange, rather than hide behind vague statements that could have been written by anyone (or even ChatGPT).
The spokeswoman acknowledged my policy. Nevertheless, several hours later, I again was asked to submit my request in writing. As I did in my morning conversation with the spokeswoman, I provided topic areas and general questions to help the campaign determine who was best to answer the questions I ask on your behalf.
Still, I got no answers.
So I followed up the next day and, hours later, was told I would get a written response by tomorrow, Monday, Aug. 18.
After informing the spokeswoman this strategy was "curious, as we're already well past deadline and the column will be published Sunday," I was told the campaign would provide answers "in detail."
Forgetting for a moment that I had been asking to speak with a human being, all I got was an email that said the campaign identified four contributions from businesses totaling $800 that were returned. They blamed the clerk's filing system for failing to reflect the refunds.
The campaign also acknowledged that it identified $4,000 in donations, which it described as "about 0.5% of the total receipts during the reporting period," that exceeded the maximum amount someone could contribute.
"These amounts have been returned to the donors and will be accurately reflected in our next filing," the email said campaign finance compliance attorney Peter Bailon said, which I guess we'll have to take on faith since they wouldn't let me speak to Counselor Bailon himself.
Bailon, or at least whoever typed up his statement, concluded: "We remain committed to full transparency and compliance during this election cycle."
My hope is that their commitment to compliance will extend to any and all election cycles in which Sheffield participates. They already failed to meet their pledge of "full transparency," as even their long-awaited response ignored three of the five topic areas I asked about.
We all know that — in politics especially — money talks.
It's a shame that neither Sheffield nor her million-dollar campaign will.
This column was updated to clarify Tate's position on endorsements in the mayor's race.
Detroit Free Press intern Aurora Sousanis contributed reporting.
M.L. Elrick is a Pulitzer Prize- and Emmy Award-winning investigative reporter, director of student investigative reporting program Eye On Michigan, and host of the ML's Soul of Detroit podcast. Contact him at [e-mail] or follow him on X at @elrick, Facebook at ML Elrick and Instagram at ml_elrick.
This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: Samuel L. Jackson opens his wallet for Detroit mayor's race
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