
Central Bank forecasts lower economic growth and fewer homes built in coming years
Domestic economic growth is expected to slow to around 2 per cent this year and next if the United States hits European Union exports with a 20 per cent tariff, and could fall much more steeply if a deeper trade war follows, the Central Bank of Ireland said.
The Republic is among the countries most exposed to US president Donald Trump's sweeping economic policies, with a significant proportion of employment, tax receipts and exports dependent on a cluster of mainly tech and pharmaceutical multinationals.
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The Central Bank also downgraded its forecasts for new home completions in the near term.
It predicted completions would increase to 32,500, 37,500 and 41,500 in 2025, 2026 and 2027 respectively but this represents a downward revision on its previous forecast in March.
The downgrade was driven by a fall-off in completions and commencements in the first quarter of this year, the bank said.
The Central Bank cut its estimate for 2025 modified domestic demand (MDD) – its preferred gauge of economic performance – to 2 per cent from the 2.7 per cent estimated in March and its 2026 forecast to 2.1 per cent from 2.5 per cent due to the uncertainty weighing on investment.
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That was broadly in line with recent Department of Finance forecasts. As a member of the EU, Ireland faces tariffs of 10 per cent on around a quarter of its exports that could rise to 20 per cenr after a 90-day US pause ends on July 8th.
The Central Bank said MDD would fall to just 0.8 per cent this year and 1 per cent in 2026 in an adverse scenario where a 20 per cent tariff is extended to all goods, taking in key sectors for Ireland such as pharma and semiconductors, and the EU retaliates with tariffs.
The Republic's booming corporate tax revenues, which have risen almost seven-fold over the last decade, could be a major vulnerability in that scenario as most of the tax is paid by US multinationals.
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Housing target of 41,000 'not realistic', Minister...
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The Central Bank said projected big budget surpluses could turn into a deficit of 4 per cent of national income or €17.7 billion by 2030 if the adverse economic scenario is accompanied by a loss of the recent windfall corporate tax receipts and a 20 per cent fall in foreign multinational investment.
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"This is a severe scenario but it is not the extreme scenario where you would see investment leave the State," Central Bank director of economics Robert Kelly said on Thursday.
The bank also estimated that gross domestic product – which officials disregard due to the way multinationals distort the data – would jump eight-fold to 9.7 per cent this year due to a surge in exports to the US that data suggests was driven chiefly by ingredients used in weight-loss and diabetes drugs.
Some US drugmakers with a presence in Ireland have reported stocking up ahead of threatened tariffs.
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The Independent
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And yet the longer the US president takes to make up his mind, the longer Starmer has to weigh up the pros and cons of the UK following its closest ally into a war that could engulf the whole of the Middle East. And the only really good option from London's perspective would be if Trump decided to keep the US, officially at least, on the sidelines. Any direct military intervention, and the UK, one way or another, has to choose. In essence, this is the dilemma that has long lurked somewhere in the nexus between the UK's departure from the European Union and the election of Donald Trump to a second term. These two developments left the UK straddled awkwardly mid-Atlantic, between an EU it no longer belongs to and a US out of sympathy with Europe on practically everything, from tariffs to collective security. Now may be the moment of truth. Were the US to decide to intervene, the UK could just about persist in its current holding pattern and do no more. That would mean repeated (vain) calls for de-escalation; new warnings to hard-pressed consumers about higher energy prices (with the blame now pinned on Iran, rather than Russia), more travel bans and terrorist alerts. The UK might also provide a much-needed channel to Tehran, given that David Lammy has, so far, kept up communications with his Iranian counterpart. Going some way, but not the whole way, to support the US – by offering facilities at UK bases in, say, Cyprus, could, however, present risks, including the risk of reprisals from Iran. The danger may be less now, given what appears to be Iran's debilitated state from Israeli air strikes. But the UK's early and categorical denial that the US had used Cyprus as a transit point for the extra air power it sent to the region showed that London clearly understood the potential risk. Not offering the US direct, or even partial, military support, however, could have costs of its own. 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This bought exactly how much political capital for him or his government in Washington over the longer term? As for the damage to the domestic reputation of the UK intelligence services and the influence of the UK in the Middle East, that has been huge and lasting. At the time, however, Blair's argument was not just about security – destroying the supposed threat from Iraq's (as it turned out, non-existent) chemical weapon – but also about principle. He, like George W. Bush, was seduced by the promise of the 'freedom' and 'democracy' that were forecast to follow 'regime change', which may also be an objective of Israel's war on Iran. It is hard to believe that Starmer and Labour's leading lights today could be similarly seduced, given the experience not only of Iraq, but of Libya and Afghanistan, and of David Cameron's narrowly lost vote in Parliament over intervention in Syria. 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