Will the UK recognising the State of Palestine make any difference?
These developments indicate a growing consensus among erstwhile allies of Israel for fundamental change as a result of Israel's prolonged war on Gaza and its refusal to countenance a Palestinian state.
The move has brought predictable condemnation from Israel and the US, but also been criticised by some who see it as a largely symbolic and ineffective gesture "that will fall short" without additional pressure.
How many countries recognise the state of Palestine?
At the time of writing, the majority of UN members - 147 of 193 - now recognise a Palestinian state, with opposition confined mainly to Western Europe and North America.
New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch
Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters
The State of Palestine was first declared in 1988 by the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), which is the umbrella organisation recognised as representing the interests of the Palestinian people.
By February 1989, it had been recognised by 93 countries.
Although not made explicit at the time, there was an understanding that the declaration indicated PLO support for a two-state solution, rather than its long-standing position of a single state in historic Palestine.
The 1993 Oslo Accords confirmed the joint goal of a negotiated two-state solution and official PLO recognition of the state of Israel.
Why no recognition from the UK?
The Oslo Accords stipulated that the creation of an independent Palestinian state would come about as a result of negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians and would see mutual recognition agreements between the two sides.
Since the Accords were signed, there has been a consensus among most of Israel's allies that no Palestinian state would be recognised without Israel's consent.
In Western Europe, no country unilaterally recognised Palestinian statehood until Iceland in 2011. It was in contrast to many Eastern European countries, which, even after the fall of communism, retained their Soviet-era recognition agreements.
When did the West start recognising Palestine?
Peace talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) collapsed in 2014.
Since then, there has been a gradual acceptance internationally that Israel would never accept a Palestinian state.
In 2014, Sweden announced it was recognising Palestine, calling it an "important step that confirms the Palestinians' right to self-determination" and saying they hoped it would lead to "making the parties less unequal".
The UK parliament also voted in favour of recognising a Palestinian state in 2014, although the bill was non-binding and the Conservative-led government at the time ignored the result.
It would be another 10 years before more Western European countries followed Sweden's example, with Norway, Spain and Ireland announcing recognition in May 2024 amid Israel's war on Gaza.
What does UK recognition mean in practice?
Much has been made of the symbolic value of recognising a Palestinian state. Apart from putting a clear distance between the UK government and the Israeli government - which, along with its parliament, opposes the creation of a Palestinian state - it also acknowledges Palestinians' right to self-determination.
The announcement from Starmer comes more than a century after the Balfour Declaration of 1917 promised Zionists a homeland for the Jewish people and 105 years after the UK took control of the region with its Mandate for Palestine.
The move by London is regarded as helping cement the idea of a two-state solution as the only possible answer for peace in the region and in contrast to proposals for full Israeli sovereignty or a single secular state.
But the practical impact is likely to be limited. Relations between the UK and the PA have been long established.
That said, there may be a theoretical upgrading of Palestine's diplomatic mission in the UK to full embassy status.
The announcement has also solidified the idea that the Israel-Palestine conflict is between two nation-states rather than a question of occupation.
Josh Paul served in the US State Department during the administration of President Joe Biden until he resigned in October 2023 due to Washington's policy in Gaza.
In December 2023, he wrote about the recognition of Palestinian statehood: "[Such a] change would set the ground for permanent status negotiations between Israel and Palestine, not as a set of concessions between the occupier and the occupied, but between two entities that are equal in the eyes of international law.
"Disputes, such as over the status of Jerusalem or control over borders, water rights and airwaves, can be settled through established global arbitration mechanisms."
Will the UK recognise Palestine?
The UK government's promise to recognise a Palestinian state in September is conditional on Israel's failing to amend its behaviour.
Reckless or historic? World reacts to France's recognition of the state of Palestine Read More »
The recognition would come, the government said, if the Israeli government does not take "substantive steps to end the appalling situation in Gaza and commits to a long-term, sustainable peace, including through allowing the UN to restart without delay the supply of humanitarian support to the people of Gaza to end starvation, agreeing to a ceasefire, and making clear there will be no annexations in the West Bank".
Though the threshold appears high, some have criticised the announcement as a "fudge" and say it uses the Palestinians' inalienable right to self-determination as a stick with which to beat Israel.
Other political leaders in the UK also said that the move should not be conditional and that it needed to be accompanied by concrete action.
"Recognition of the state of Palestine should not be used as a bargaining chip," wrote Liberal Democrat leader Ed Davey on X.
"It should have happened months ago. We also need far greater action to stop the humanitarian disaster in Gaza, including fully ceasing arms sales and implementing sanctions against the Israeli cabinet."
Other political leaders were more critical. Reform leader Nigel Farage said the move would "reward Hamas", while Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch said it was "not the time."
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Middle East Eye
an hour ago
- Middle East Eye
Israel's Ben Gvir, under heavy guard, leads settler raid on Al-Aqsa Mosque
Israel's far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir led hundreds of settlers in storming Al-Aqsa Mosque complex on Sunday, were they loudly performed Jewish Talmudic prayer, under a heavy police guard, and attempted to antagonise Muslim worshippers. Videos seen by Middle East Eye showed hundreds of settlers storming the courtyards of Al-Aqsa Mosque where some could be seen dancing and shouting, disrupting the sanctity of the Muslim place of worship. The status quo in Jerusalem has long maintained that Jewish prayer is forbidden on the raised plateau in occupied East Jerusalem's Old City, where Al-Aqsa Mosque stands. However, over the past century, Zionist groups have repeatedly violated the fragile arrangement, launching unprecedented attacks on one of Islam's holiest sites. Residents in Jerusalem's Old City told MEE that before and after Ben Gvir's raid, the area had come to resemble a "military base" due to the "many checkpoints" that had been set up and the "heavy Israeli security presence". New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters They said that Israeli forces severely restricted Palestinians from accessing the mosque, with only a few local residents allowed to pass. Speaking to reporters after the raid, Ben Gvir said: "The Temple Mount is for the Jews, and we will remain here forever." Israeli Minister of National Security Itamar Ben Gvir sparked fresh outrage today after performing Talmudic rituals inside the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound, accompanied by an associate who carried out the 'epic prostration', a form of Jewish worship explicitly prohibited at the site — Middle East Eye (@MiddleEastEye) August 3, 2025 Since becoming a minister in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government, Ben Gvir has led at least 11 assaults on the mosque. Meanwhile, several other far-right politicians have advocated for the destruction of Al-Aqsa and the construction of a temple where they claim Jewish temples once stood. Among the hundreds of people to take part in Sunday's raid was right-wing Likud lawmaker Amit Halevi, who has repeatedly advocated for Israel to destroy all water, food and energy sources in Gaza. In June 2023, he tabled a bill that would divide Al-Aqsa Mosque between Muslims and Jews, a plan that would see shared access from the courtyard of the Dome of the Rock to the end of the northern border of Al-Aqsa Mosque. Palestinians fear that the incursions at Al-Aqsa, which have intensified since Israel went to war on Gaza in October 2023, are laying the groundwork for the mosque to be divided similar to how the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron was in the 1990s. Muslims currently have limited access to that site, and just last month, Israel transferred the authority of the mosque from the Palestinian-run Hebron municipality to a settler council. 'Incitement to violence' Aouni Bazbaz, the director of international affairs at the Islamic Waqf, the organisation that administers Al-Aqsa Mosque, described Sunday's raid as "painful and regrettable", telling MEE that it was a threat to the "historical status quo and an incitement to violence". "There were terrifying numbers of people [Israeli settlers] present and some were important figures," he said. "This was part of a project. The extreme religious right seeks to undermine the status quo and to clearly follow the example of the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron. Israel's Ben Gvir claims 'no hunger' in Gaza and urges continued 'starving of Hamas' Read More » "There are no worshippers here right now, the place is empty, the Old City is empty. It's a military barracks," he added. The Jerusalem Governorate also decried the raid, and appealed to the international community, in particular Muslim states, "to take immediate action". "What happened today is not just a traditional incursion. Rather, it represents a pivotal stage aimed at forcibly imposing Jewish sovereignty over Al-Aqsa Mosque and dividing it spatially between Muslims and settlers, after the occupation authorities have persisted in imposing a temporal division over the past years," it said. "The Jerusalem Governorate considers this escalation to be a declaration of religious war against Islamic and Christian holy sites and a prelude to a comprehensive explosion whose flames could spread beyond the borders of Palestine, threatening security and stability in the region and the world," it added. The Jordanian foreign ministry also strongly condemned the raid, calling it "an unacceptable provocation and an indecent escalation". "The repeated entries of extremist settlers into Al-Aqsa Mosque constitute a serious violation of the existing historical and legal situation, an attempt to impose a division in time and space, and a desecration of the sanctity of the place," the Jordanian foreign ministry spokesman, Ambassador Sufyan al-Qudah, said.
The National
2 hours ago
- The National
With Gaza in the global spotlight, expect Israel to turn the heat on Hezbollah
Israel finds itself in need of diverting global attention away from its atrocities in Gaza. Enter Hezbollah. The Israeli government appears to see renewed war with the Lebanese group as a chance to further its interests, pretexting the latter's refusal to surrender its weapons to the Lebanese state as it previously pledged. The timing is driven by several factors. The administration of US President Donald Trump has grown weary of waiting for Beirut to fulfil its promise of exclusive state control over arms, and it might be ready to endorse any Israeli decision, regardless of its severity. Another factor is Iran's unwillingness to enter a direct war with Israel on Hezbollah's behalf. Indeed, Tehran is both preoccupied with the fallout from the recent US and Israeli strikes and worried about another wave of attacks in the near future. Still, it refuses to abandon its strategy of using armed regional proxies as bargaining chips in potential negotiations with Washington. Tensions between the US and Iran are thus escalating – manifested through American sanctions, Iranian threats and Israeli war preparations. Iran's proxies in Lebanon and Yemen are on high alert, and the wider Iranian 'Axis of Resistance' is watching events closely, from Iraq to Gaza. Israel has zero tolerance regarding Hezbollah's arsenal. It has convinced the Trump administration that if the Lebanese government fails to implement its disarmament pledge, Israel has no choice but to press ahead with its war on the group. Meanwhile, the international conference on the two-state solution – co-chaired by Saudi Arabia and France at the UN – might have angered Iran. The Islamic Republic's ideology rejects the two-state solution, with its doctrine calling for Israel's destruction. Moreover, the conference's show of global support for the Palestinian Authority as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people was also a collective cry against Hamas, a key player in Iran's axis. Just as Israel is indifferent to the civilian toll in Gaza, Iran appears unbothered by Palestinian suffering, particularly as long as Hamas remains faithful to the axis. Mr Trump was recently forced to acknowledge the human-made famine in Gaza, having previously denied this reality. While he didn't initially act against Israel, which is enacting a policy of starvation in the enclave, he spoke about it after parts of his Maga political base pressed him to intervene to end the humanitarian catastrophe. This was accompanied by a different kind of global political pressure as Mr Trump was challenged by European and non-European allies who participated in the two-state solution conference and endorsed its final communique charting a path towards a Palestinian state alongside Israel. There are concerns over possible vindictive responses from Mr Trump, particularly if he feels isolated on the international stage. There is unease over his administration sanctioning the PA's leadership, which the latter says is a form of punishment for seeking the establishment of a Palestinian state. It shouldn't surprise anyone if Israel seeks to crush everything that emerged from the UN conference. It views the PA as an obstacle to its ambitions of annexing the West Bank. It opposes the near-unanimous international view that Hamas should be dismantled, only because its policy is to fracture Palestinian unity and undermine the PA. The dilemma facing the US President over the current Israeli government's extremist policies is his growing global isolation on the Palestine issue. He may still choose to ignore increasing international momentum in favour of a Palestinian state, but it could come at a cost. Indeed, it was no small development for Saudi Arabia to insist to the international community that it won't normalise relations with Israel unless a Palestinian state is established. Riyadh's support for Palestinian statehood gained greater significance when it co-chaired the conference with France. The event brought surprising developments, including the UK's readiness to recognise the state of Palestine at next month's UN General Assembly unless Israel changes course from its current approach in Gaza. Yet a Palestinian state cannot come into being without American backing and Israeli compliance. The UN Security Council has already enshrined the two-state solution in resolutions 1397 and 1515, both supported by Washington. But the roadmap they laid out for Palestinian statehood by 2005 was never implemented and the Trump administration walked back American commitments to those resolutions. The events in New York could push Mr Trump further into the arms of Israeli extremism and its rejection of the two-state solution. Or he might find himself cornered and unable to punish the broad coalition of states that have challenged him. If so, his policy could shift under pressure. This would require a deft diplomatic effort to present Mr Trump with ways to align with the emerging consensus without feeling provoked. Countries have bilateral interests and won't risk undermining relations with Washington solely for the sake of the two-state solution. Having been increasingly scrutinised by the international community, Israel appears intent on shifting global focus away from Gaza. This is precisely because it intends to continue its policies there. And as long as European states fail to impose tangible punitive measures on Israel, and as long as Mr Trump supports its project of 'voluntary displacement', Israel will continue with its agenda. Israel's posture towards Lebanon and Iran, however, is another matter. There is little international sympathy for Iran's insistence that Hezbollah retain its arms in defiance of Lebanese sovereignty. Nor is there sympathy for Tehran's reckless endangerment of the Lebanese people's safety, security and agency. There is, likewise, little global sympathy for the Islamic Republic's stubborn adherence to its triad of strategic doctrines – nuclear capability, ballistic missiles and proxy warfare – without modifications. Thus, should it once again face US or Israeli military strikes, it is unlikely to find many sympathisers. Tehran is now trapped by American sanctions and the threat of more air strikes. Hezbollah, too, will find no one rushing to its rescue if it falls prey to Israel's attempts to shift global attention away from Gaza. Both entities will have only themselves to blame.
Middle East Eye
2 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
Over 18,500 Palestinians detained by Israel in West Bank since October 2023
Palestinian prisoners' rights groups are reporting that over 18,500 Palestinians have been detained by Israeli forces across the occupied West Bank, including Jerusalem, since October 2023. The figure includes 570 Palestinian women and at least 1,500 children, according to a report by the Commission for Detainees and Ex-Detainees Affairs, the Palestinian Prisoners' Society, and Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association. Over 194 journalists have also been detained, 49 of them still held in custody. The detainee numbers mark the highest since the second Intifada in 2000. The report also details rights violations that accompanied detentions, including beatings, threats to detainees and their families, destruction of property and the looting of homes. It also noted the "systematic destruction" of infrastructure in refugee camps in Tulkarm and Jenin, and the demolition of detainees' family homes. The report also found that detainees were taken from their homes and at military checkpoints, and that some of the detentions were accompanied by extrajudicial killings targeting relatives of detainees.
