Acting PM tightlipped on fighter jet, submarine decisions
Pressed by reporters at Government House to confirm if the cabinet on Tuesday had approved both matters, Mr Phumtham would only say that ministers had acknowledged the issues and details had yet to be concluded.
Mr Phumtham, who is a former defence minister, said he would not discuss any matters related to weaponry because classified information was involved, and Thai armed forces were currently involved in combat operations.
It was reported that the cabinet on Tuesday allowed the navy to buy a China-made diesel CHD620 engine for the S26T Yuan-class submarine it had ordered from China. The engine would replace the German-made MTU396 engine specified in the original contract, as Germany refused to supply it, citing an EU embargo on weapons sales to China.
The engine issue halted the Royal Thai Navy's submarine procurement project in 2021 when the vessel was 64% completed and the navy had already paid 10 installments worth 7.7 billion baht. Eight more installments totalling 5.5 billion baht have yet to be paid.
It was also reported that the cabinet on Tuesday approved the air force's procurement of four new Gripen E and F fighter jets as part of a longer-term programme to modernise its fleet.
The Royal Thai Air Force deployed JAS 39C/D Gripen fighter jets in recent strikes against Cambodia. It was the first time the Swedish-built warplane had ever been used in combat.
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Bangkok Post
an hour ago
- Bangkok Post
Border clash clean-up
Clashes along the Thai-Cambodian border have dealt a heavy blow to the Northeast's economy, with trade losses in four provinces alone estimated at up to 500 million baht a month. The border conflict and the closure of several checkpoints since early June had disrupted cross-border commerce, resulting in the losses, says Manatchai Jungtrakool, deputy director of the Bank of Thailand (BOT) Northeastern Office in Khon Kaen. Before the conflict escalated, Thai-Cambodian border trade averaged 10 billion baht per month. Of this, 95% took place through eastern checkpoints in Sa Kaeo, Chanthaburi, and Trat. The rest -- worth about 500 million baht per month -- was channelled through northeastern provinces including Ubon Ratchathani, Surin, Si Sa Ket, and Buri Ram. These four provinces are now bearing the brunt of halted trade activity, he said. The impact extends beyond goods, Mr Manatchai noted. Over 10,000 Cambodians typically cross into Thailand each month to access services, including retail and medical treatment. These activities have also been curtailed, adding to economic hardship. Cross-border agricultural efforts have been disrupted as well, with reports of Cambodian shelling damaging farmland and delaying harvests in affected Isan communities. Local financial institutions have offered relief measures such as extended loan repayments and additional credit to affected individuals and businesses. The BOT is encouraging residents to contact their local banks for assistance, he said. Tourism takes a hit, too The fallout is not limited to commerce. Tourism operators, particularly in provinces near the border, are also feeling the strain as visitor confidence dips. Nor is the drop in confidence limited to border areas. Thanet Supornsahasrangsi, president of the Tourism Council of Chon Buri, reported a spike in inquiries from prospective visitors, particularly regarding safety in Pattaya and other coastal areas in Chon Buri. But in eastern border provinces such as Trat and Chanthaburi, hotel bookings have plummeted by 50%, he said. While the high season, which starts in late November, typically attracts long-haul travellers fleeing cold climates, continued unrest may drive them away, potentially to rival destinations. The council still sees some positive signs, he said. Chinese tourist arrivals have rebounded slightly. Promotional efforts in Chinese cities have been well received, but border tensions and the strength of the baht remain obstacles to full recovery. Sinchai Wattanasathorn, a hotel operator in Pattaya, said that while businesses have adapted since the Covid-19 pandemic by reducing staff and cutting costs, a prolonged conflict could necessitate deeper changes. His Flipper hotel chain reports a 20% drop in tourist numbers during the first six months compared to the same period last year. "If this border conflict is not fully resolved, we may be forced into a major restructuring," he said, warning an extended slump could threaten the industry's long-term stability. Labour flows blocked The border tensions are also disrupting the movement of workers, especially in Trat's Khlong Yai district, where Cambodian labourers -- particularly daily wage earners -- have been allowed to return home but are now barred from re-entering Thailand via permanent checkpoints. This has left local businesses grappling with a sudden loss of manpower. Pol Col Kittipat Paopiamsap, chief of Trat's immigration office, said several hundred Cambodian workers who used to cross the border daily have now returned to Cambodia and cannot return to Thailand. Only a limited number of contract workers remain, and further departures are likely as they are not certain if the conflict will erupt again. "The key signal for improvement would be the reopening of the Hat Lek checkpoint," he said. "If there is a relaxation allowing goods to be brought into Cambodia, the situation would improve. Until people can move freely for work and tourism, normalcy is out of reach." Villagers begin returning Beyond the figures, the conflict has uprooted about 180,000 villagers. Many sought refuge in temporary shelters far from their homes, livelihoods and livestock -- and are now beginning the journey back. At the shelter at Chang International Circuit in Buri Ram's Muang district, villagers who fled the fighting welcomed the outcome of the peace talks and expressed relief at being able to resume their daily routines. They loaded clothes and belongings onto vehicles for the journey back to Ban Kruat district, one of the areas hardest hit by the fighting. They were eager to tend to livestock left behind for more than two weeks. However, many remain cautious, doubting whether Cambodia will honour the ceasefire agreement. Despite concerns, they chose to return home to work and repay their debts. They said if fighting resumes, they would evacuate again for their safety. Aew Kiram, 42, from Ban Kruat, who fled with her husband and children, said the shelter staff cared for them well but it was not the same as home. She felt stressed from being unable to work. Her main income comes from rubber tapping, earning 5,000–6,000 baht weekly. During the conflict, it dropped to zero, yet expenses and debts persisted, with creditors and car finance companies calling. She decided to return home to tap rubber and repay her debts despite still doubting Cambodia's sincerity. Another villager, Winai Takengphon, also returning home with his family in Ban Kruat, said he hoped no further fighting would occur, as the conflict had affected livelihoods on both sides. "After more than two weeks away from home, I long for our normal life and hope it will return as soon as possible," he said.
Bangkok Post
20 hours ago
- Bangkok Post
Acting PM backs SRT claim to disputed plot
Interior Minister Phumtham Wechayachai has reaffirmed that the disputed land at Khao Kradong in Buri Ram was legally granted to the State Railway of Thailand (SRT) by a royal decree issued during the reign of King Rama VI. Mr Phumtham, also acting prime minister, responded publicly on Friday to Chanin Kanhirun, a legal representative for those affected by the disputed land, who on Thursday asserted that no royal decree or legal act, including the 1921 Rail and Highway Management Act, granted this land to the SRT. Mr Chanin also said the SRT's claims are based on limited court rulings and do not override the rights of legitimate landholders. He also claimed the railway map used to support the SRT's case was drawn up solely for temporary rock transport and held no legal authority. In response, Minister Phumtham insisted the royal decree clearly established SRT ownership. "Any claim contradicting royal intent must be carefully examined. If people have acquired land legally, the justice system will handle it. No one is being treated unfairly," he said. He added that most current claimants were corporate entities, with few local residents involved. Mr Phumtham also rejected allegations that the royal decree lacked proper mapping, saying the SRT maintained the map had always existed, though minor boundary disputes might remain. "The central area clearly falls under the royal grant. [Minor boundary disputes] are for the justice system to decide," he said. On threats of lawsuits from private companies seeking substantial compensation, Phumtham remarked, "If they have been trespassing on SRT land, why should the state pay for damages? We are acting under Supreme and Administrative Court orders. If following the law is wrong, so be it."
Bangkok Post
a day ago
- Bangkok Post
Diplomacy vs daggers drawn
For over a century, tensions with Cambodia have flared intermittently and have often been left unresolved due to Thailand's traditionally non-assertive approach, which has prioritised peacekeeping and conflict avoidance over direct engagement. These passive policies, while aimed at preventing escalation, have inadvertently allowed disputes to fester. In more recent history, the Chatichai Choonhavan administration (1998-1991) attempted a shift, employing trade as a diplomatic tool with the slogan "turn battlefields into marketplaces". However, this economic pragmatism often clashed with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' official stance of not "inviting the enemy home", revealing inconsistencies within Thailand's strategic messaging. The public forum "Thailand–Cambodia Conflict: the Reflection of Thai Politics and Foreign Affairs in the Current Geopolitics", recently hosted by the Faculty of Political Science at Chulalongkorn University (CU), brought together four prominent scholars in international relations to evaluate Thailand's strategic posture amid growing regional tensions. Military in charge Prof Thitinan Pongsudhirak, from CU's Department of International Relations at the Political Science Faculty, said Thailand has a unique opportunity to leverage global developments, such as changes in US trade policies under the current Trump administration, to ease tensions. However, he cautioned against any breach of ceasefire agreements, emphasising that global scrutiny -- especially under volatile US foreign policy -- could quickly shift against the kingdom. He also raised concerns over Thailand's internal civil-military divide. Following the leak of a controversial voice clip involving Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen and suspended Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, the Thai military has reportedly been acting without government oversight, conducting operations independently of ministerial coordination. In contrast, Cambodia's military strategy is seen as tightly controlled by its civilian leadership. This imbalance underscores the fragility of Asean as a regional bloc, particularly when member states are involved in direct or indirect hostilities. "The withdrawal of the Shinawatra family from the political frontline has, paradoxically, benefited both Thailand's national interest and their personal reputation," he said. Prof Puangthong Pawakapan, also from the Department of International Relations, said Thailand's foreign policy apparatus lacks assertiveness on the global stage. She recalled the last significant moment of Thai diplomatic leadership: its firm opposition to Vietnam's 1979 invasion of Cambodia and the ousting of the Khmer Rouge. In 2025, Thailand continues to grapple with how to exit the crisis and find compromise-based solutions stemming from its longstanding border disputes with Cambodia. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on the Survey and Demarcation of Land Boundary (2000) remains a key framework guiding bilateral cooperation, outlining the use of the Thailand–Cambodia Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) as the primary mechanism for resolving territorial disagreements. Despite the rigidity of potential compromise solutions, Thailand is urged to proceed with restraint -- eschewing hostility or punitive actions -- while upholding the fundamental right to self-defence, she said. Prof Puangthong added that Pheu Thai's policy focuses on peaceful resolution via diplomatic channels like the JBC, reaffirming its commitment to international law. "Still, widespread distrust in the government continues to weaken public confidence," she said. In the longer term, she suggested that shared management of maritime resources could offer a sustainable path forward, particularly in scenarios where Thailand may not prevail through legal channels. On the military front, Capt Hassachai Mangkang, of the Royal Thai Navy and a lecturer at CU's International Relations Department, analysed the asymmetry between Thai and Cambodian military capabilities. While Cambodia relies heavily on artillery and has limited drone technology, Thailand boasts superior air power, including precision bombing and unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) surveillance. However, he emphasised that in modern warfare, military might alone does not guarantee success. Operations must comply with international humanitarian law. Civilian infrastructure cannot be targeted without inviting condemnation, he said. Thailand's air force, he added, has been cautious in target selection to avoid collateral damage and preserve legitimacy. Instead of focusing solely on military superiority, Thailand should counter Cambodia's powerful narrative strategy, he said. Capt Hassachai noted that despite Cambodia's weaker cyber and defence capabilities (ranked 95th globally, compared to Thailand's 25th), it has excelled in information warfare, framing itself as a victim of Thai aggression. Post-Truth Politics Surge Asst Prof Kasira Cheeppensook, also from CU's Department of International Relations, concluded the panel with an analysis of Thailand's sluggish engagement with the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). She noted that under Article 51 of the UN Charter, states are given the right to self-defence but are obligated to report their actions immediately. Cambodia, in contrast, acted swiftly to internationalise the conflict, bringing the issue before multiple UN forums. She highlighted the growing prevalence of "post-truth politics", where Thai and Cambodian actors manipulate information to serve nationalistic agendas. Public figures' statements are frequently taken out of context.
