Why did Dalai Lama refrain from naming a successor? Is it linked to Gedhun Choekyi Nyima abduction in 1995?
The eagerly awaited statement, delivered just days before the ailing Nobel Peace Prize laureate's 90th birthday, quashed speculation - started by the Dalai Lama himself - that he might be the final spiritual leader of Tibet, bringing an end to a centuries-old tradition.
Speaking during a week of celebrations in the northern Indian hill town of Dharamshala to mark his birthday, the Dalai Lama said a non-profit institution he has set up will have sole authority to identify his reincarnation, countering China's insistence that it will choose his successor.
As per experts, the Dalai Lama's decision to forgo naming a successor may be linked to the abduction of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima.
In May 1995, six-year-old Gedhun Choekyi Nyima was named by the 14th Dalai Lama as the 11th Panchen Lama, a role second only to the Dalai Lama in Tibetan Buddhist hierarchy.
However, three days after the announcement, on May 17, 1995, the boy was allegedly kidnapped by Chinese authorities and his family into custody. They have remained missing ever since. Weeks later, China installed its own Panchen Lama, Gyaincain Norbu.
Even today, the Tibetan exile community continues to recognise Gedhun as the legitimate Panchen Lama, while the Chinese government backs its own chosen successor.
In last 30 years, China has shared only limited details about Gedhun, like in 2007 and again in 2020, officials claimed he had been educated, completed college, and was employed. However, no photographs, videos, or public sightings have ever verified such claims.
They also stated that 'family wished to maintain a private life'.
Several human rights activists noted that Chinese government should be pressured secure the freedom of Gendun Choki Nyima and his family.
In May this year, US Secretary Marco Rubio voiced similar concern.
Shortly after Dalai Lama's Wednesday announcement, China's Foreign Ministry once again stated that the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama must be approved by the central government in Beijing. Spokesperson Mao Ning reasoned that Tibetan Buddhism is a religion with Chinese characteristics and that the reincarnation process must follow traditional methods, including the drawing of lots from a golden urn.
Mao Ning cited an 18th-century Qing dynasty tradition that uses a golden urn to draw lots in order to identify the reincarnations of prominent Buddhist leaders.
"The reincarnation of the Dalai Lama, the Panchen Lama and other great Buddhist figures must be chosen by drawing lots from a golden urn, and approved by the central government," said Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning.
(With inputs from agencies)
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Hindustan Times
40 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
HC denies bail to man for posts against PM, armed forces
The Allahabad high court on Wednesday rejected the bail application of a man accused of posting objectionable content on social media targeting the Prime Minister and the Indian Armed Forces. The Allahabad high court observed that the freedom of speech guaranteed under the Constitution does not extend to such acts which disrespect high dignitaries and incite disharmony among citizens. (File Photo) The high court observed that the freedom of speech guaranteed under the Constitution does not extend to such acts which disrespect high dignitaries and incite disharmony among citizens. Rejecting the bail application of Ashraf Khan alias Nisrat, justice Arun Kumar Singh Deshwal said it has become a 'fashion among certain groups of people' to misuse social media under the guise of freedom of expression by making unfounded allegations against national leaders and circulating content that spreads hatred and division. The accused was booked under sections 152 (acts that endanger the sovereignty, unity, and integrity of India) and 197 (imputations and assertions prejudicial to national integration) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) at the Sasni police station of Hathras district. It was alleged that the accused uploaded edited videos to his Facebook account during the recent India-Pakistan military face-off. According to the prosecution, one video allegedly depicted Prime Minister Narendra Modi walking alongside a donkey pulling a cart fitted with an aircraft, and later portrayed him as apologising to Pakistan. Another portion of the post allegedly showed Wing Commander Vyomika Singh of the Indian Air Force seated beside the Pakistan Army chief, with captions suggesting that the PM was running to save himself from a Pakistani missile. Additional posts allegedly included slogans such as 'Pakistan Air Force Zindabad' and visuals of Indian aircraft being destroyed by Pakistani jets. Other objectionable content targeting defence minister Rajnath Singh and the PM was also found, according to the prosecution. During the hearing, the applicant's counsel argued that Khan was innocent and had not forwarded the objectionable posts himself, though they were found on his mobile phone. In contrast, the state counsel opposed the bail plea, arguing that the posts created social disharmony and insulted the Indian military establishment. In its order dated July 2 (Wednesday), the court concluded that the nature of the posts reflected disrespect not only towards the Prime Minister but also towards the Indian Armed Forces and its officers. 'Though our Constitution grants the right to freedom of speech and expression to every citizen, that freedom does not extend to posting videos and content that insult the Prime Minister, the Indian Military and its officers. Such actions not only cause social disharmony but also promote separatist sentiment and pose a threat to the sovereignty, unity, and integrity of India,' the court observed. Accordingly, the bail application was rejected.
Mint
40 minutes ago
- Mint
Indian businesses hoping for US trade deal ahead of tariff deadline, says CII's Memani
New Delhi: Indian businesses are hoping for a breakthrough in trade negotiations with the US as the deadline for higher reciprocal tariffs approaches, said Rajiv Memani, chairman and chief executive of EY India, who has recently taken over as president of the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) for 2025–26. Speaking to reporters on Thursday, Memani underscored the urgency of boosting Indian competitiveness through regulatory and business reforms. 'India's economy is expected to grow at 6.4–6.7% this fiscal,' he said, in line with projections in the Economic Survey. Highlighting India's ongoing trade diplomacy, Memani said the country has been actively signing free trade agreements and that 'very good progress' has been made in negotiations with the European Union. 'I think India is dealing more with non-tariff barriers in the EU rather than tariff barriers—and how those non-tariff barriers can be simplified,' he said. On the US front, Memani pointed to the 9 July deadline for concluding a bilateral trade deal, which would avert a sharp increase in tariffs on Indian exports. 'In the case of the US, we have a date,' he said, referring to the pending imposition of a 26% reciprocal tariff that would replace the current 10% baseline if no agreement is reached. US President Donald Trump's 'reciprocal tariffs' policy—announced in April—seeks to impose higher import duties on countries that levy steeper tariffs on American goods, triggering a wave of trade renegotiations. A broad 10% baseline tariff was introduced, with higher rates applied to countries such as China and Vietnam. A temporary 90-day pause was allowed for bilateral negotiations ahead of the 9 July deadline. 'Most businesses, most CII members are very keen that an agreement or an FTA—or some tranche of an FTA—gets signed, because people are wary of a tariff being imposed. And I think there is a reasonable sense of confidence that something may happen in the not-too-distant future. Those FTA engagements are going on very well,' Memani added. Trump told reporters on Wednesday that he was expecting a deal with India, 'in which case, there will be much less tariffs.' Memani cautioned, however, that even as India expands its trade ties, competition from the Western world is intensifying. 'Tariffs will go down for a large part of the Western world, and Indian industry will be facing more intense competition,' he said. 'Therefore, the urgency to do reforms, the urgency to do business reforms, and the urgency to enhance competitiveness is very high. We are seeing much greater receptivity and openness in the government to look at ease of doing business,' Memani noted. He added that India must focus on both labour-intensive and advanced manufacturing, while also preparing for the challenges posed by artificial intelligence. 'One issue that needs attention is how AI will impact the efficiency of Indian industry—and how related challenges such as employment are dealt with,' he said. CII expects India's real GDP to grow by 6.4-6.7% in FY26. 'This projection, generated through CII's GDP growth model, reinforces India's position as the fastest-growing major economy in the world,' Memani said. To ensure India doesn't fall behind in the AI race, CII has proposed setting up a National AI Authority to coordinate policy, infrastructure, and adoption. The body would also support investments in semiconductor fabrication facilities, cloud infrastructure, and AI skilling programs, he said. Given the rise in global protectionism and trade uncertainty, Memani emphasized that domestic consumption remains India's primary growth driver. 'India is becoming increasingly reliant on it to sustain momentum,' he said.
Economic Times
an hour ago
- Economic Times
The curious case of iPhones: Why a small gadget in your pocket is making US & China insecure about India
TIL Creatives Representative Image As over 300 Chinese engineers prepares their bags to leave Foxconn's iPhone plants in southern India this week, Beijing is quietly watching. For China, Apple's big bet on India is more than just a factory shift, it's a direct threat to its image of being the world's factory. At the same time, from across the Pacific, earlier this year, US President Donald Trump had a 'little problem' with Apple too. 'We are treating you really good, we put up with all the plants you built in China for years,' Trump said in May. 'We are not interested in you building in India.' He wanted Apple to bring those jobs back to American economies, both far bigger than India's, now appeared to be bothered with the same worry: what happens if India really does become Apple's new favourite factory floor? The US and China both see risk in Apple's supply chain pivot. For America, it challenges efforts to bring jobs home. For China, it threatens its stronghold on global high-tech manufacturing. Earlier this year, Foxconn, Apple's long-time assembler, had pressed ahead with a $1.5 billion display module plant near Chennai. The unit was slated to make the part under an iPhone's glass screen that controls touch and display Nadu's state government had approved the plan last October. Indian officials had expect it to add about 14,000 jobs, a tidy boost for India's growing electronics behind the scenes, China is now quietly tightening the screws. Bloomberg revealed yesterday that more than 300 skilled Chinese engineers who taught Indian workers how to run precision assembly lines have been asked by Foxconn to leave India. No official reason, just a quiet exit. The impact is anything but silent. These technicians brought decades of process know-how from Shenzhen's vast factories. Without them, Foxconn expansion plans in India may not go as smooth as it would have US, too, is not exactly cheering India's gain. When Trump launched his first China trade war in 2018, companies scrambled to find new bases. India was slow to catch up then. Now, as China battles rising costs, with new tariffs being imposed every other month, India has never looked more attractive for Trump's 'America First' pitch was brought to the forefront as he sought to charge exorbitant tariffs on every nation that sought to export to Americans. He insisted that Apple must also 'make in America.' For Apple, that's far from easy. US wages are high. Large-scale electronics assembly needs armies of trained workers. Those don't appear Apple chose to stick with its India plan. In May, officials told FT that by the end of next year, Apple aims to make all 60 million iPhones sold in the US in Indian plants. In 2024, India already produced 18% of global iPhone output. Counterpoint Research expects this share to reach 32% in 2025. During March-May, Foxconn exported iPhones worth $3.2 billion from India, with an average 97% shipped to the US, Reuters reported on June 13, citing customs data. India iPhone shipments by Foxconn to the United States in May 2025 were worth nearly $1 billion, the second-highest ever after the record $1.3 billion worth of devices shipped in March, the data Beijing has more to lose than just iPhone lines. It fears losing its edge in EV batteries, solar panels and key rare earth exports. Already this year, China has delayed shipments of specialised machinery to India and Vietnam. Now, ironically, that same tariff wall has cracked China's supply dominance—and opened the door for India. US tariffs on Chinese goods run as high as 145%, while most Indian goods face only 10%. Exemptions on key electronics like iPhones give India an edge in US. For Washington, this creates a dilemma: keep punishing China, or watch supply chains drift to India instead of coming home. Former Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale summed up the mood: China sees India's manufacturing rise as 'a direct threat, not just a parallel development.' India's phone surge didn't happen by accident. Foxconn, Tata Electronics, Corning, big names are pouring billions into Indian supply lines. FT reported Corning will soon start making Apple's scratchproof glass in Tamil own officials know what's at stake. 'We are looking at building the entire value chain in India itself,' said Ekroop Caur, secretary for electronics in Karnataka. The aim: not just assemble phones, but design and supply every vital isn't just a trade story. The way screws, screens and circuit boards move around the world now shapes how countries negotiate, from trade talks to climate pacts and military knows that whoever controls the factories holds the upper hand. When COVID lockdowns froze huge parts of China's manufacturing heartland, companies from California to Berlin realised the risk of putting too many eggs in one basket. According to a Wall Street Journal analysis, the shutdowns cost global electronics makers billions in missed shipments and forced Apple to rethink its near-total dependence on push into India is one answer to that risk. But China has other tools. By restricting exports of critical raw materials, like rare earth metals used in iPhones, wind turbines and guided missiles, Beijing reminds the world that supply chains can double as economic weapons. Just last year, China tightened controls on gallium and germanium exports, minerals vital for semiconductors and defence tech, Reuters tactic isn't new. Back in 2010, China briefly cut off rare earth supplies to Japan during a territorial dispute, crippling factories until Tokyo relented. Now, with the US and Europe pushing to 'de-risk' their dependence, China's leaders are signalling they can still squeeze the tap when clamp on Foxconn's engineers in India fits the same playbook. A senior Indian official, speaking to Bloomberg, confirmed that Chinese authorities are informally blocking export of key equipment and skilled workers to India's iPhone lines. No official reason. But the signal is clear, China wants to slow any rival that could dilute its manufacturing moves ripple far beyond trade. European leaders have linked secure supply chains to climate goals, arguing that building green tech like EV batteries and solar panels depends on stable flows of materials and parts. As reported by the Indian Express, India's Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar summed it up in June: 'The upending of global trade has focused our own minds on the need for correcting what I would call a certain skewed nature of our openness to the global economy.'China's talent clamp is the latest warning shot. By slowing India's learning curve, Beijing hopes to buy time. But India's window is open. There is no national election for a year. Global companies want out of China's grip. US tariffs slam China far harder than the moment is now. India's share of global phone exports has jumped from $250 million a decade ago to over $22 billion today. Most of that is Apple. The next big leap is to match China's scale.A few hundred engineers leaving might not sound big. But behind those exits sits a giant question: who controls the supply chain of tomorrow? If India cracks that code, despite the hold-ups, despite the politics, it won't just make iPhones. It will make itself impossible to ignore at the trade table. And that is what big economies fear a world splitting along new lines, where supply chains double as strategic weapons, India's iPhone story shows how a gadget in your pocket can reshape who calls the shots far beyond a factory floor.
