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Letters to the Editor: Mussel farm will destroy Kinsale area

Letters to the Editor: Mussel farm will destroy Kinsale area

Irish Examiner20-06-2025
Recent articles in local newspapers have underplayed the scale and implications of the newly approved mussel farm in Kinsale Harbour.
The licensed site actually spans 25 hectares, equivalent to 21 GAA pitches or 38 soccer/rugby pitches, in Kinsale harbour adjoining the Dock Beach.
The licence permits seeding the seabed with mussel seeds to harvest 200 tonnes annually via dredging.
This is equivalent to 45m mussels at various growth stages in the harbour at any one time.
The volume of biological waste produced from this is staggering.
Mussel farms require moderate water currents to carry away waste, yet this proposal assumes there will be no accumulation of organic matter beyond the site.
In truth, waste will be swept onto Dock Beach on incoming tides, and pollute the entire harbour on outgoing tides — a space vital for commercial and recreational use.
No environmental impact statement was required or submitted.
The ministers declared there would be 'no significant impact on the marine environment' — disregarding nearly 1,000 public objections submitted in 2019.
Not one objector received acknowledgement or consultation since 2019.
Now, those same concerned citizens must pay €150 to appeal this illogical decision to the Aquaculture Licences Appeals Board, as people struggle with the rising cost of living.
This process has been completely non-democratic.
Sheila Cramer, Evelyn O'Riordan, and Nuala Wright protesting at the Dock Beach. Picture: Eddie O'Hare
That is why more than 3,000 people have signed a petition, with hundreds joining peaceful demonstrations locally to voice their opposition.
A public meeting at the Temperance Hall saw such overwhelming attendance that many were left outside.
Local workers in tourism, hospitality, marine leisure, and fishing voiced genuine fears for their livelihoods compared to the six low-skilled jobs promised by the applicant.
The ministers claim the development 'should have a positive effect on the local economy', yet they never consulted local businesses or residents. Had they done so, they would have heard deep and widespread opposition.
This letter only scratches the surface of the legitimate concerns felt by the people of Kinsale and beyond.
The decision to approve this mussel farm threatens irreversible damage to one of Ireland's most beautiful harbours, providing physical and mental recreation to thousands of citizens and visitors annually.
Ministers Heydon and Dooley may show little regard for the people of Kinsale, or for the environment, but we care deeply — we will not stand by
in silence as our harbour is sacrificed for one man's financial gain.
Ray Cummins, Donal Hayes, and Michael O'Shea
Kinsale, Co Cork
Peace, not arms
The Seville Declarations clearly showed that Ireland was regarded as having ratified the Nice Treaty on the basis that Ireland had the triple lock.
The triple lock, according to Micheál Martin, was 'a core element', and at 'the very heart and soul' of Ireland's neutrality policy.
To remove the triple lock and replace it with the phrase in accordance with 'the principles of the United Nations charter' is unacceptable.
Under ReArm Europe, the EU is proposing to spend €700bn on arms.
We are experiencing an artificially hyped-up fear over a supposed imminent Russian invasion; where is the evidence that Russia plans to invade other countries?
In contrast to 'ReArm Europe', why not have an EU agency devoted to understanding conflict and to mediate in conflict areas? Ireland could take the lead, having a constitutional imperative (Article 29.2) to do so.
Elizabeth Cullen
Kilcullen, Co Kildare
Policies pushing up the cost of our food
Consumers across Europe are asking why food prices have surged so dramatically in recent years.
As a farm advocacy group, the Beef Plan Movement, with a purchasing arm as a key part of our organisation sees firsthand how rising production costs, driven by farm inputs and green policies, are pushing prices upward.
External shocks, like the war in Ukraine, sent fertiliser costs spiralling, at one point, prices skyrocketed by 300% in just 12 months.
Fuel and labour expenses have also climbed sharply.
But beyond these global factors, another major driver of inflation is the growing influence of the green agenda in Europe.
Over the past few years, environmental lobby groups have gained disproportionate power over government policy.
Their influence extends through well-funded NGOs that push for stricter regulations —many of which increase costs for farmers without meaningful environmental benefits.
Measures like low-emission slurry spreading, reduced stocking rates, and rewilding farmland may sound progressive, but they shrink production and drive up food prices.
Until now, farmers have absorbed these added costs.
But with thousands exiting the industry, Ireland's suckler herd alone has declined by more than 150,000 cattle in five years.
This is no longer sustainable.
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If consumers don't share the burden of these policies, there may soon be too few farmers left to feed the population.
The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) was established in 1962 with the dual objectives of boosting food production in Europe and maintaining fair prices for both consumers and producers.
However, in recent years, the rise of the green movement has shifted CAP's focus — decoupling subsidies from food production and redirecting funds toward environmental initiatives.
This shift has accelerated significantly, with an increasing share of the budget now allocated to a complex system of fund administration.
The growing emphasis on bureaucratic processes and reducing production has had clear consequences: declining food output and upward pressure on food prices, contributing to inflation in the agricultural sector.
For decades, consumers have been shielded from the true cost of food production.
Many retailers have engaged in aggressive pricing strategies such as selling meat and dairy below cost to gain market share, pushing the financial burden onto farmers.
As a result, countless farming operations have relied on subsidies just to break even.
Many retailers have engaged in aggressive pricing strategies such as selling meat and dairy below cost to gain market share, pushing the financial burden onto farmers.
To put this into perspective: In 1980, households spent 28% of their income on food, by 2016 that figure had dropped to just 15%, despite overall inflation.
While recent food price hikes have made headlines, they are insignificant compared to the stagnant prices farmers have endured for the past 30 years.
Worse still, current emissions targets fail to account for the science of biogenic methane, which, due to its cyclical nature, does not contribute to additional warming when herd sizes remain stable.
Yet this fact is drowned out by activists who seem to prefer weeds over food production.
The Government's so-called Just Transition policy exemplifies this disconnect.
Its goal is to 'upskill' farmers and push them out of agriculture, as if food production requires no expertise.
In reality, farming demands a vast skillset: Veterinary knowledge, machinery repair, financial management, crop science, and adaptability to extreme weather.
On a planet facing climate instability, generational farming experience should be valued, not discarded.
As green policies tighten their grip on Europe, higher food prices will become the norm.
Rather than making farmers redundant, consumers and policymakers should recognise their vital role because without them, who will put food on our tables.
John Moloney
Vice chairman, Beef Plan Movement
Testing times
Plaudits to Michael Moynihan for his ordinary level Leaving Cert, quite challenging questions in his column this week: 'It's time for a new Leaving cert subject — Cork Studies' ( Irish Examiner, June 19).
I became quite teary-eyed at the site of the neglected busman's hut, as I'm sure the Taoiseach would, given his father's connection.
One wonders if the hut could be re-commissioned in exchange for the Eircom 'duplex' unit that remains in all its glory on St Patrick St (adjacent to the former BPI building) — the latter offering a hint of je ne sais quoi encapsulating a hybrid of Cork's best urinary and vomitus traditions, and, of course, telephonic infrastructure.
Regarding its functionality (former lexicon word 'function'), could one humbly propose Mr Moynihan's aforementioned ladies' lavatory?
Sean Seartan
Thurles, Co Tipperary
Outlaw ageism
Gareth O'Callaghan hit the proverbial nail on the head when he ascribed the ongoing problem of abuse in nursing homes to endemic ageism: 'Ageism is the last permitted prejudice — that's why the nursing home scandals continue' ( Irish Examiner, June 14).
As he said, it's the last remaining prejudice and the most stubborn.
Like him, I felt like screaming at the radio as I heard the usual promises, kneejerk expressions of outrage and the covid excuse ('This all started in the pandemic...' No, it didn't; remember Leas Cross?)
Before this latest scandal has the chance to slip into the mists of time, we need to tackle the root of the problem — ageism — and make it a hate crime to treat people with disrespect due to old age.
Ageism isn't just insulting, hurtful and demeaning — ageism imprisons people whose only crime is to live long, it removes their basic human rights, it tortures them — and ageism kills.
Geraldine Comiskey
Shankill, Co Dublin
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