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Irish Examiner
a day ago
- Politics
- Irish Examiner
Government proposal on triple Lock gives an Irish solution to an Irish problem
I welcome the Government's latest proposals to fully restore Irish sovereignty over decisions to deploy Irish troops on armed missions overseas. It's time to unlock the triple lock. The rejection by the Irish people of the Nice referendum on the June 7, 2001, was a uniquely Irish generated crisis. The treaty was aimed at preparing the then 15-member state union for its biggest enlargement to 27 member states by 2007. Crucially, it had to be ratified by all member states but only Ireland was obliged to conduct a referendum. In effect, the failed referendum had blocked — or at least threatened to seriously derail — one of the most ambitious projects of the European Union. The news was most keenly felt by the 8,000 Irish citizens living and working in Brussels, particularly the approximately 100 Irish diplomats and civil servants attached to the Irish Permanent Representation to the EU. After almost 30 years of hard work, Ireland's reputation as a model EU member state had evaporated overnight. From model state to pariah state, Ireland was seen to have benefitted greatly from EU handouts and then stabbed the union in the back. The international media feasted with a frenzy on the carcass of Ireland's EU reputation. Those of us Irish working in the Brussels bubble were detached from the reality of politics at home. It was realised in Dublin that if we continued to block the expansion, the EU would do us no favours There was still time to run another referendum, but new parameters had to be included to mollify the ideologues of neutrality. Taking inspiration from former health minister Charles Haughey's solution to the problem of legalising contraceptives in 1979, the Nice Treaty required 'an Irish solution to an Irish problem'. In the end, however, instead of a doctor's prescription, all we needed was UN approval. The triple lock was born. It was rushed from the Rotunda to Leinster House, quickly baptised, and greeted by the people. Within a year, the bonny baby triple lock, a child genius at age one, secured the second Nice referendum. The day was saved. Ireland was saved. Former states that had emerged from communism were able to join the EU. Peacekeeping missions For the first few years, the child grew and was doted on by everyone. Its tantrums were gently tolerated, even when it insisted that any one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council — China, France, Russia, US, and Britain — can effectively withhold UN approval on Irish participation in overseas peacekeeping missions. One of the unintended possible consequences of retaining the triple lock limits the State's capability to rescue Irish citizens in trouble abroad. The obvious example is in crisis-prone countries, such as countries in Africa, where thousands of Irish missionaries and NGO staff are working. The competition among UN permanent members is such that, in almost every conflict in Africa, they are pitted against each other to the extent that security council approval is very difficult or impossible. In the event of the EU mounting an armed rescue mission, where UN approval could not be achieved, the triple lock would block Irish troops' participation in missions aimed at saving the lives of our own people. The triple lock undermines Irish sovereignty and should have been constitutionally challenged years ago. Why should we be subservient to any foreign power when it is not even reciprocated? It was a self-imposed straitjacket. Another restriction was that the maximum number of armed Irish troops that could be sent abroad without Dáil approval was set at 12. Why 12? Was somebody over influenced by that Second World War action film The Dirty Dozen? The one where tough guy, cigar-chomping Telly Savalas toured military prisons to recruit 12 military psychopaths for a special operation. Recently, in the Letters to the Editor column of the Irish Examiner,fellow veteran Tim O'Connell explained why 50 was the right number for small unit operations abroad. Based on the infantry platoon of 34, the remaining 16 would be specialist support elements selected for the specific mission. Even Luxembourg has sent more troops abroad than that without external approval. Irish neutrality was never dependent on the triple lock. The neutrality policy preceded the triple lock by 60 years. In reality, the triple lock undermines Irish neutrality by empowering five foreign powers to veto the sovereign will of our Government and the Dáil. At last, Houdini himself has come back from the dead to unravel the straitjacket. The Government's proposed legislation has realistically broadened its application to most of the situations we can foresee at this stage. In practice, the changes effectively decouple future governments neatly from the permanent members' veto. Times have changed. The blissfully unaware Irish public should no longer be kept in the dark on security and defence matters. A properly informed public in 2001, would most probably have passed the first Nice referendum and avoided the need for the triple lock in the first place. Colonel Dorcha Lee (ret) is a former Irish military advisor and military representative in Brussels.
Irish Examiner
20-06-2025
- Politics
- Irish Examiner
Letters to the Editor: Mussel farm will destroy Kinsale area
Recent articles in local newspapers have underplayed the scale and implications of the newly approved mussel farm in Kinsale Harbour. The licensed site actually spans 25 hectares, equivalent to 21 GAA pitches or 38 soccer/rugby pitches, in Kinsale harbour adjoining the Dock Beach. The licence permits seeding the seabed with mussel seeds to harvest 200 tonnes annually via dredging. This is equivalent to 45m mussels at various growth stages in the harbour at any one time. The volume of biological waste produced from this is staggering. Mussel farms require moderate water currents to carry away waste, yet this proposal assumes there will be no accumulation of organic matter beyond the site. In truth, waste will be swept onto Dock Beach on incoming tides, and pollute the entire harbour on outgoing tides — a space vital for commercial and recreational use. No environmental impact statement was required or submitted. The ministers declared there would be 'no significant impact on the marine environment' — disregarding nearly 1,000 public objections submitted in 2019. Not one objector received acknowledgement or consultation since 2019. Now, those same concerned citizens must pay €150 to appeal this illogical decision to the Aquaculture Licences Appeals Board, as people struggle with the rising cost of living. This process has been completely non-democratic. Sheila Cramer, Evelyn O'Riordan, and Nuala Wright protesting at the Dock Beach. Picture: Eddie O'Hare That is why more than 3,000 people have signed a petition, with hundreds joining peaceful demonstrations locally to voice their opposition. A public meeting at the Temperance Hall saw such overwhelming attendance that many were left outside. Local workers in tourism, hospitality, marine leisure, and fishing voiced genuine fears for their livelihoods compared to the six low-skilled jobs promised by the applicant. The ministers claim the development 'should have a positive effect on the local economy', yet they never consulted local businesses or residents. Had they done so, they would have heard deep and widespread opposition. This letter only scratches the surface of the legitimate concerns felt by the people of Kinsale and beyond. The decision to approve this mussel farm threatens irreversible damage to one of Ireland's most beautiful harbours, providing physical and mental recreation to thousands of citizens and visitors annually. Ministers Heydon and Dooley may show little regard for the people of Kinsale, or for the environment, but we care deeply — we will not stand by in silence as our harbour is sacrificed for one man's financial gain. Ray Cummins, Donal Hayes, and Michael O'Shea Kinsale, Co Cork Peace, not arms The Seville Declarations clearly showed that Ireland was regarded as having ratified the Nice Treaty on the basis that Ireland had the triple lock. The triple lock, according to Micheál Martin, was 'a core element', and at 'the very heart and soul' of Ireland's neutrality policy. To remove the triple lock and replace it with the phrase in accordance with 'the principles of the United Nations charter' is unacceptable. Under ReArm Europe, the EU is proposing to spend €700bn on arms. We are experiencing an artificially hyped-up fear over a supposed imminent Russian invasion; where is the evidence that Russia plans to invade other countries? In contrast to 'ReArm Europe', why not have an EU agency devoted to understanding conflict and to mediate in conflict areas? Ireland could take the lead, having a constitutional imperative (Article 29.2) to do so. Elizabeth Cullen Kilcullen, Co Kildare Policies pushing up the cost of our food Consumers across Europe are asking why food prices have surged so dramatically in recent years. As a farm advocacy group, the Beef Plan Movement, with a purchasing arm as a key part of our organisation sees firsthand how rising production costs, driven by farm inputs and green policies, are pushing prices upward. External shocks, like the war in Ukraine, sent fertiliser costs spiralling, at one point, prices skyrocketed by 300% in just 12 months. Fuel and labour expenses have also climbed sharply. But beyond these global factors, another major driver of inflation is the growing influence of the green agenda in Europe. Over the past few years, environmental lobby groups have gained disproportionate power over government policy. Their influence extends through well-funded NGOs that push for stricter regulations —many of which increase costs for farmers without meaningful environmental benefits. Measures like low-emission slurry spreading, reduced stocking rates, and rewilding farmland may sound progressive, but they shrink production and drive up food prices. Until now, farmers have absorbed these added costs. But with thousands exiting the industry, Ireland's suckler herd alone has declined by more than 150,000 cattle in five years. This is no longer sustainable. What's your view on this issue? You can tell us here If consumers don't share the burden of these policies, there may soon be too few farmers left to feed the population. The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) was established in 1962 with the dual objectives of boosting food production in Europe and maintaining fair prices for both consumers and producers. However, in recent years, the rise of the green movement has shifted CAP's focus — decoupling subsidies from food production and redirecting funds toward environmental initiatives. This shift has accelerated significantly, with an increasing share of the budget now allocated to a complex system of fund administration. The growing emphasis on bureaucratic processes and reducing production has had clear consequences: declining food output and upward pressure on food prices, contributing to inflation in the agricultural sector. For decades, consumers have been shielded from the true cost of food production. Many retailers have engaged in aggressive pricing strategies such as selling meat and dairy below cost to gain market share, pushing the financial burden onto farmers. As a result, countless farming operations have relied on subsidies just to break even. Many retailers have engaged in aggressive pricing strategies such as selling meat and dairy below cost to gain market share, pushing the financial burden onto farmers. To put this into perspective: In 1980, households spent 28% of their income on food, by 2016 that figure had dropped to just 15%, despite overall inflation. While recent food price hikes have made headlines, they are insignificant compared to the stagnant prices farmers have endured for the past 30 years. Worse still, current emissions targets fail to account for the science of biogenic methane, which, due to its cyclical nature, does not contribute to additional warming when herd sizes remain stable. Yet this fact is drowned out by activists who seem to prefer weeds over food production. The Government's so-called Just Transition policy exemplifies this disconnect. Its goal is to 'upskill' farmers and push them out of agriculture, as if food production requires no expertise. In reality, farming demands a vast skillset: Veterinary knowledge, machinery repair, financial management, crop science, and adaptability to extreme weather. On a planet facing climate instability, generational farming experience should be valued, not discarded. As green policies tighten their grip on Europe, higher food prices will become the norm. Rather than making farmers redundant, consumers and policymakers should recognise their vital role because without them, who will put food on our tables. John Moloney Vice chairman, Beef Plan Movement Testing times Plaudits to Michael Moynihan for his ordinary level Leaving Cert, quite challenging questions in his column this week: 'It's time for a new Leaving cert subject — Cork Studies' ( Irish Examiner, June 19). I became quite teary-eyed at the site of the neglected busman's hut, as I'm sure the Taoiseach would, given his father's connection. One wonders if the hut could be re-commissioned in exchange for the Eircom 'duplex' unit that remains in all its glory on St Patrick St (adjacent to the former BPI building) — the latter offering a hint of je ne sais quoi encapsulating a hybrid of Cork's best urinary and vomitus traditions, and, of course, telephonic infrastructure. Regarding its functionality (former lexicon word 'function'), could one humbly propose Mr Moynihan's aforementioned ladies' lavatory? Sean Seartan Thurles, Co Tipperary Outlaw ageism Gareth O'Callaghan hit the proverbial nail on the head when he ascribed the ongoing problem of abuse in nursing homes to endemic ageism: 'Ageism is the last permitted prejudice — that's why the nursing home scandals continue' ( Irish Examiner, June 14). As he said, it's the last remaining prejudice and the most stubborn. Like him, I felt like screaming at the radio as I heard the usual promises, kneejerk expressions of outrage and the covid excuse ('This all started in the pandemic...' No, it didn't; remember Leas Cross?) Before this latest scandal has the chance to slip into the mists of time, we need to tackle the root of the problem — ageism — and make it a hate crime to treat people with disrespect due to old age. Ageism isn't just insulting, hurtful and demeaning — ageism imprisons people whose only crime is to live long, it removes their basic human rights, it tortures them — and ageism kills. Geraldine Comiskey Shankill, Co Dublin Read More Letters to the Editor: All I wanted to do was build a modest home on a modest patch of land left to me by my grandmother
