‘SA flag belongs to citizens, not government': Zuma hits back at Minister Lamola over Morocco visit
Image: Simon Majadibodu/IOL
The Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) Party leader, Jacob Zuma, has defended his use of the South African flag during a visit to Morocco, saying it does not belong exclusively to the government but to all citizens.
Zuma made the remarks during a press briefing held Friday in Sandton, where he addressed journalists alongside party officials following a meeting of the party's National Officials.
Those present included Zuma, national chairperson Nathi Nhleko, MP and national spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela, and other senior leaders.
'The South African flag doesn't belong to the government. Is there anyone who doesn't know that the flag of any country belongs to the citizens of that country? Is there anyone who doesn't know that?' Zuma said, laughing.
'And you,' he added, pointing to journalists, 'come here asking so many questions about the flag. Every country has a flag. Every citizen owns the flag. It's not a government flag.'
His comments came after Minister of International Relations and Cooperation Ronald Lamola raised concerns about the use of national symbols during Zuma's visit to Morocco, which included a meeting with Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita in Rabat on July 15.
Photographs from the meeting showed both South African and Moroccan flags displayed prominently, sparking diplomatic criticism.
'While we recognise and respect Morocco's sovereign right to invite individuals and groups, DIRCO, on behalf of the Government of the Republic of South Africa, strongly protests the use of South African national symbols - in this instance, the South African national flag - during the meeting between Mr Jacob Zuma and the foreign minister of the Kingdom of Morocco,' Lamola said.
Zuma was accompanied by the MK Party's Head of Presidency, Magasela Mzobe, during the visit.
DIRCO spokesperson Chrispin Phiri said the department viewed the display of the South African flag as a breach of diplomatic norms.
'The use of the South African national flag in a meeting with a member of a political party in opposition, which is a non-state actor, constitutes an abuse of existing protocol and decorum and undermines official bilateral relations between the Republic of South Africa and the Kingdom of Morocco,' Phiri said.
He explained that national symbols such as the flag inherently convey official state endorsement. Their use in such contexts, he added, 'elevates the perception of the encounter to that of a state-to-state engagement,' which was not the case.
'This characterisation is inconsistent with established diplomatic protocol, as the participants did not represent the official positions or engagements of the South African state.'
Phiri said South Africa had conveyed its concerns to Morocco, asserting that the portrayal of the meeting could not be recognised as an official bilateral engagement.
'The government of the Republic of South Africa holds the firm view that the use of its national symbols in contexts implying official state endorsement of non-governmental engagements is inappropriate, irrespective of the setting,' he said.
'In the spirit of fostering and maintaining cordial and friendly bilateral relations, and consistent with the fundamental principles of mutual respect between sovereign states and non-interference in internal affairs, South Africa respectfully encourages the Government of the Kingdom of Morocco to refrain from such actions.'
He said adherence to these principles was essential to preserving positive relations between the two countries.
Zuma's visit has sparked widespread criticism from political parties, including the governing African National Congress (ANC).
ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula labelled Zuma a 'sellout' for showing support to Morocco, which annexed Western Sahara in 1975 - a region South Africa recognises as occupied territory.
'We, as the ANC, will fight side by side for the self-determination of the Sahrawi people. We are in solidarity with them, and Morocco must stop the occupation of Western Sahara,' Mbalula said.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Eyewitness News
8 minutes ago
- Eyewitness News
Shivumbu says he's accepted his termination from MK Party, won't appeal decision
JOHANNESBURG - Former uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) Party secretary-general, Floyd Shivambu, said that he has accepted his termination from the party and won't be appealing the decision. At a media briefing on Friday, the MK Party announced it had expelled Shivambu, saying that the former secretary-general's actions and public statements were at odds with the organisation's constitution. After being demoted as secretary-general in June, Shivambu started his own political organisation and called the MK Party a family affair, saying he no longer had faith in it to bring about the liberation of black people in the country. ALSO READ: • Zuma changes his stance on Morocco and Western Sahara situation • Former senior MK Party member joins Shivambu's Mayibuye Consultation Process In a statement, Shivambu said that he appreciated the ten months he spent at the MK Party, saying that his focus would now be on his Mayibuye consultation process. At the same time, MK Party leader, Jacob Zuma, said the organisation should also look forward and not to the past. Speaking on the constant changes to the party's leadership, Zuma said it was a sign that the organisation did not tolerate ill-discipline. "Some of you are very lucky because I would have fired more people, but I was advised by the leaders behind me to calm down and they will fix the problems," said Zuma. Bongani Mncwango has been announced as the MK Party's secretary-general, becoming the seventh different person to occupy the position since the party was formed less than two years ago in December 2023.
IOL News
5 hours ago
- IOL News
The Unfinished Business of Women's Struggle for Freedom, Justice
Members of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the African National Congress (ANC) protest against gender based violence, high unemployment and the gender pay gap at a rally held in the Mary Fitzgerald Square, Johannesburg on October 7, 2021. Zamikhaya Maseti On 9 August 1956, the Women of South Africa rose with a clarity of purpose that still reverberates through the sinews of the Republic. More than 20,000 of them converged upon the seat of State power, the Union Buildings, in a Moment of Defiance that defied geography, race, and class. They were not mere protestors; they were political architects, moral insurgents, and custodians of a vision far ahead of its time. At the forefront of that march stood the unyielding spirits of Lilian Ngoyi, Charlotte Maxeke, and Sophie de Bruyn, matriarchs of the resistance whose names must never be invoked lightly. They mobilised not for inclusion into an oppressive order, but to dismantle it altogether. They marched for universal suffrage, for dignity, for spatial and economic justice, and for a democratic future where womanhood would no longer be a category of burden. As they advanced toward Pretoria, they did so in song, belting out the anthem that remains etched in the bloodstream of every freedom-loving South African: 'Wathint' Abafazi, Wathint' Imbokodo'-'You strike a woman, you strike a rock'. This was not a metaphor. It was a manifesto. It was a declaration of war on patriarchy, on pass laws, and on every system that imagined women as marginal to history. Sixty-nine years later, the nation stands on the cusp of a National Dialogue, an intergenerational reckoning with itself, with its promises, and with the idea of justice that animated 1994. In this moment of political recalibration, it is only right that we pause to ask, with clarity and without sentimentality: how far have we come in actualising the feminist imagination of 1956, and how much further must we go to vindicate it? To be sure, there are victories to honour. The South African state has, since the advent of democracy, erected one of the most progressive legislative frameworks for gender equity on the continent. Women now constitute approximately 45 per cent of the National Assembly, a figure that places us within the top 20 globally. The leadership of Parliament itself is now held by women, Speaker Thoko Didiza and Deputy Speaker Annelie Lotriet, a symbolic and substantive milestone. In the Public Service, women now hold just over 43 per cent of senior management positions, and a similar share in middle management. The presence of women in the machinery of the State is no longer incidental. It is structured. It is measurable. It is the result of hard-fought policy instruments, the Employment Equity Act, the White Paper on the Transformation of the Public Service, the Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill, and the mainstreaming principles embedded in the National Gender Policy Framework. At the Deputy Ministerial level, 17 out of 44 posts are held by Women, a reflection of the State's modest but visible attempt to build a leadership cadre that reflects the nation's demographics and aspirations. Yet, despite these institutional gains, the fault lines remain glaring. The Cabinet of 2024, unlike that of 2019, reflects regression, not progress. With women now occupying a mere 23 per cent of ministerial positions, the state has retreated from the principle of gender parity. This is not an oversight. It is a political decision and must be named as such. The picture becomes even more precarious when we look at the Private Sector, the bastion of untransformed power. Women constitute less than 30 per cent of Top Management roles. Their representation on JSE-listed Boards remains trapped below 28 per cent, and female CEOs are so few they can be counted by name rather than by number. The myth of meritocracy has become a smokescreen behind which gender exclusion continues to be rationalised, laundered, and perpetuated. Reports from the Commission for Gender Equality (CGE) reveal a corporate landscape that continues to sidestep real transformation. Women, especially Black Women, remain absent from executive pipelines. Those who enter are rarely retained, mentored, or promoted. Gender pay disparities are not just an economic injustice; they are a structural message; some labour is simply undervalued because it is feminised. It is tempting, especially during commemorative months, to romanticise the past. But the Women of 1956 were not dreamers. They were disruptors. Their legacy cannot be reduced to songs and slogans. They did not march so that we could conflate presence with power. They marched so that Women could remake power itself. Lilian Ngoyi would not be placated by the statistics. Charlotte Maxeke would not accept symbolic appointments as a substitute for structural equity. Sophie de Bruyn, the last living marcher of that delegation, continues to remind us that the revolution is only half done. They would ask us to look beyond Parliamentary quotas and into budget allocations. They would demand gender-responsive procurement, leadership development pipelines, childcare support systems, and the decolonisation of workplace cultures. They would challenge the State's failure to stem the tide of gender-based violence and would interrogate the private sector's excuses for executive homogeneity. They would ask the only question that matters: are Women safer, freer, and more powerful today than they were when we marched? The forthcoming National Dialogue must not degenerate into a talk shop. It must not be staged as a theatre of consensus. It must become what the Women of 1956 modelled: a confrontation with systemic failure. Gender mainstreaming must not be an add-on, a side-panel, or a ceremonial gesture. It must inform how the State allocates resources, how it designs economic recovery, how it responds to climate change, how it governs technology, and how it measures its legitimacy. This is not about inclusion. It is about power. And until Women hold actual institutional power, the project remains unfinished. The Women of 1956 did not ask for invitations. They claimed their space. They did not request equity; they declared it. Their voices live on, not in textbooks, but in every act of refusal, every policy reform, every street protest, and every boardroom intervention that challenges the status quo. Let us rise with their defiance, walk in their footsteps, and write the next chapter of the South African Women's struggle with precision, anger, vision, and strategy. Let us reclaim the moral clarity of 'Wathint' Abafazi, Wathint' Imbokodo', not as a cultural cliché, but as a political imperative. * Zamikhaya Maseti is a Political Economy Analyst. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
The Citizen
15 hours ago
- The Citizen
Top 10 stories of the day: Foundations exit National Dialogue
Here's your daily news update for Friday, 8 August 2025: An easy-to-read selection of our top stories. News today includes five foundations linked to South African struggle stalwarts have pulled out of the National Dialogue. Meanwhile, the uMkhonto weSiswe (MK) party has terminated the party membership of its former secretary-general, Floyd Shivambu. Furthermore, South Africa is not winning the fight against gender-based violence (GBV), experts say. Weather tomorrow: 7 August 2025 Strong winds, rough seas and disruptive rainfall await Western Cape residents on Women's Day, while partly cloudy skies are expected in most provinces. Full weather forecast here. Stay up to date with The Citizen – More News, Your Way. Why six key foundations have pulled out of the National Dialogue Five foundations linked to South African struggle stalwarts have pulled out of the National Dialogue. The foundations include the Steve Biko Foundation, the Thabo Mbeki Foundation, the Chief Albert Luthuli Foundation, the Oliver & Adelaide Tambo Foundation and the Desmond & Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation. The FW de Klerk Foundation has also withdrawn. Image: iStock In a statement, these organisations listed several reasons for pulling out, including the erosion of citizen leadership, lack of finances, lack of a proper platform for the dialogue, misalignment within the organising committee and the timelines involved. CONTINUE READING: Why six key foundations have pulled out of the National Dialogue Prisoners and ghosts claim overtime: meet SA's worst-run province The Free State has been named the worst-run province in South Africa by the auditor-general (AG) due to its underperforming 16 municipalities plagued by poor financial reporting, non-compliance with legislation and deteriorating infrastructure. The cooperative governance and traditional affairs (Cogta) portfolio committee heard that things are not improving in the province, but instead are worsening. Mangaung metro municipality city manager Sello More and mayor Gregory Nthatisi. Picture: Facebook/Free State Provincial Government The committee, led by Dr Zweli Mkhize, held an oversight visit in the province in late July, which revealed that urgent intervention by national and provincial authorities is needed. CONTINUE READING: Prisoners and ghosts claim overtime: meet SA's worst-run province MK party terminates Floyd Shivambu's membership The uMkhonto weSiswe (MK) party has terminated the party membership of its former secretary-general, Floyd Shivambu. This was revealed in Johannesburg on Friday, where the MK party's national office bearers held a media briefing. Floyd Shivambu. Picture: Gallo Images/Fani Mahuntsi The party's national chairperson, Nathi Nhleko, told reporters that they had noted a number of allegations that Shivambu had made against the party, including his decision to engage South Africans on the formation of a new political party. CONTINUE READING: MK party terminates Floyd Shivambu's membership Two police officers shot dead while transporting prisoner It's been a tragic day for the men and women in blue after two police officers were gunned down while transporting a suspect, Jabulani Moyo, from the Roodepoort Magistrate's Court back to prison on Friday, 8 August 2025. According to Gauteng police spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Mavela Masondo, the officers were ambushed about 10.30am on Albertina Sisulu Road in Roodepoort. Picture: Gallo Images Masondo said police have launched a manhunt for the suspect. CONTINUE READING: Two police officers shot dead while transporting prisoner GBV: Are we losing this war? South Africa is not winning the fight against gender-based violence (GBV), experts say. Statistics from the SA Police Service (Saps) show that 5 578 women and 1 656 children were murdered in the year ending March 2024, while 966 women were murdered in the first quarter of 2024-25 – a 7.9% increase from the previous year over the same period. Family and friend hold candles at the memorial service of Monalisa Ojoni (21) and Lisakhanya Maneli (21) in front of the Gordons Place Apartment in Central on July 23, 2025 in Gqeberha, South Africa. (Photo by Gallo Images/Die Burger/Lulama Zenzile) In the first quarter of this year, 10 688 rapes were reported, a 0.3% increase from the previous year over the same period. CONTINUE READING: GBV: Are we losing this war? Here are five more stories of the day: Yesterday's News recap READ HERE: Ramaphosa's call with Trump | Louis Liebenberg at Weskoppies | Macpherson acts against IDT CEO
