Taiwan in 2025: a proposal to build peace, not walls

Asia Times

23-05-2025

In an increasingly fragmented world, one of the most consequential trilateral relationships remains that among the People's Republic of China, the United States and Taiwan. In a year of political transition in both Taiwan and the United States – and with China facing deep economic and generational shifts – the stakes for regional peace are rising.
Yet this is not just about three actors. The strategic future of East Asia – especially for US allies including Japan and South Korea – is closely tied to stability across the Taiwan Strait. A military crisis would not only trigger devastating economic fallout but also fracture the Indo-Pacific order. It is time to think beyond deterrence and toward a framework for peacebuilding.
That means rejecting 'Finlandization' – the idea that Taiwan must remain politically neutral or muted in the face of external pressure – and instead embracing a cooperative trilateral structure that empowers Taiwan as a responsible stakeholder, not a geopolitical pawn.
In fact, Taiwan is already taking steps to avoid Finlandization. Despite mounting pressure, it has repeatedly emphasized its willingness to engage Beijing in dialogue. It has pursued humanitarian, trade and cultural exchanges as a form of soft diplomacy, even amid growing military tension. The island's vibrant civil society and outward-looking young people – many of whom admire both American values and Chinese heritage – represent an untapped potential for cross-strait healing.
Yet efforts at institutionalized peace are stalled. American sociologist Peter B. Evans warned two decades ago that regional frameworks lacked clear objectives, shared visions and strong political support. That remains true today. Domestic politics dominates national agendas. The US and Taiwan are entering turbulent election cycles. China, while projecting strength, is contending with demographic decline and economic uncertainty.
Meanwhile, Japan and South Korea are emerging as quiet stabilizers. Tokyo has openly stated that Taiwan's security is linked to Japan's own national interests. Seoul, traditionally cautious, is now recalibrating its regional posture given tensions with North Korea and greater integration into the US Indo-Pacific strategy. Both countries would be drawn into any regional conflict. Their alignment with peace and dialogue gives the trilateral effort broader credibility – and urgency.
Martin Luther King Jr. once wrote, 'One of the great liabilities of history is that all too many people fail to remain awake through great periods of social change.' In 2025, we cannot afford to sleepwalk into conflict.
This year marks 25 years since Taiwan's first democratic transition – proof that its democracy is not a phase but a core identity. The APEC summit upcoming in November, focused on innovation and inclusive recovery, offers a symbolic chance to reframe Taiwan not as a flashpoint but as a bridge.
That's why I propose a bold yet practical initiative: the creation of a PRC-US-ROC Education Foundation – a trilateral intergovernmental platform for cultural and academic exchange.
This foundation would: offer government-endorsed scholarships and tuition waivers for students from all three places;
facilitate joint research on climate change, AI governance, health crises and social resilience; and
sponsor regular forums for youth, academics, and civil society leaders to foster trust and dialogue
Rather than treating Taiwan solely as a military liability or ideological flashpoint, this initiative would center the island as a platform for regional innovation and cooperation. Historically, education and cultural exchange have softened hard geopolitical divides. This is not idealism – it is a tested path to mutual understanding.
China, for its part, could use such a platform to show that it is serious about peaceful development and benevolent leadership. Reviving the traditional concept of Tianxia wei gong – the idea that the world belongs to all – could offer a powerful counter-narrative to rising fears of Chinese authoritarianism.
The US must also do more than deter – it must inspire. That means investing in diplomatic consistency, cultural diplomacy and constructive engagement with both sides of the Strait. At the same time, Taiwan must continue charting its own course, engaging both powers while standing firm on its democratic values.
Japan and South Korea could act as regional partners or observers in this education foundation. Their involvement would send a signal: Peace in the Taiwan Strait is not a bilateral or trilateral issue alone, but one of regional and global significance. Their cultural institutions and education ministries are already deeply respected across East Asia – why not put that soft power to work for peace?
Most importantly, Taiwan must not be turned into a 21st-century Berlin Wall dividing East and West. Its success as a democracy and technology hub should be seen not as a threat but as a contribution to a more pluralistic Asia.
The future of peace in the Taiwan Strait cannot be dictated. It must be built—deliberately, multilaterally, and creatively. If PRC, U.S., and ROC leaderships can think beyond zero-sum logic, they may yet define a shared vision: one that prioritizes education over escalation, empathy over fear, and institutions over instability.
Yujing Shentu PhD ([e-mail]) is an independent scholar and writer focused on digital politics, international political economy and US-China strategic competition. She has a background in policy analysis and economic strategy.