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Experts say Israel's West Bank demolitions aim to drive Palestinians away

Experts say Israel's West Bank demolitions aim to drive Palestinians away

Al Jazeera3 hours ago
On June 25, Mutawakil al-Mohamad and his family woke up to the sound of Israeli soldiers pounding on their door with their rifles.
It would be the last time they woke up in their family home in occupied East Jerusalem.
The Israeli forces arrived at 7am in military convoys with two heavy bulldozers, and al-Mohamad was terrified the soldiers would raid his house and arrest him or his loved ones.
Instead, the soldiers told the family their home was in a designated 'military zone' and ordered them to vacate immediately so they could bulldoze it to the ground.
'When I opened the door, I told the soldiers: 'My young children are scared.' I asked them to give me 10 minutes, then we will all be out of the house,' al-Mohamed said. The soldiers obliged, he recalled from Ramallah, the administrative capital of the occupied West Bank, where he now lives.
Israel is demolishing more Palestinian homes across the occupied West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, at a higher rate in 2025 than any previous year since the occupation began in 1967.
Israeli authorities have already destroyed 783 structures – a figure that does not include the large-scale destruction in refugee camps – leading to the forced displacement of 1,119 people, according to the United Nations.
In the Palestinian refugee camps, Israel has destroyed about 600 structures in the Jenin camp and a combined 300 structures in the Tulkarem and Nur Shams camps as part of military raids it launched at the start of this year, according to figures that Al Jazeera obtained from the Palestinian human rights organisation Al-Haq.
Human rights groups, civilians and analysts said the real aim of Israel's tactics – systematic home demolitions and forced displacement – is to make life unbearable for Palestinians so more will consider leaving if they can.
'Israel's goal in the West Bank is the same as its goal in Gaza. … It wants to target all Palestinians,' said Murad Jadallah, a human rights researcher with Al-Haq.
Jadallah argued that Israel's war in Gaza, which many experts have called a genocide, has shocked the world and distracted many from its unprecedented destruction in the West Bank.
'Israel is benefiting from the images of destruction it has created in Gaza in order to push its agenda in the West Bank,' he told Al Jazeera.
Little support
Since the start of this year, about 40,000 Palestinians have fled Israeli military operations in West Bank refugee camps.
Many have struggled to find affordable replacement accommodations, renting instead in whatever villages where they find room, staying with relatives in overcrowded homes or languishing in public buildings converted into shelters for displaced people, Jadallah said.
Ahmed Gaeem, 60, recalled Israeli soldiers evicting him, his wife, five children, grandchildren, siblings, nieces and nephews from their building in the Tulkarem refugee camp in March.
The family was also told by Israeli soldiers that Tulkarem had been designated a 'military zone' and they would not be allowed to return for some time.
'We left with the clothes on our backs and nothing else. We didn't have time to pack anything,' Gaeem told Al Jazeera.
A few weeks into Israel's military campaign, one of Gaeem's sons managed to return briefly to assess the damage to their home from a distance.
Their home – like countless others – was destroyed. Its windows were shattered, the door hinges blown off and walls caved in.
Gaeem's family is currently renting three homes in Iktaba village, a few kilometres from Tulkarem city, for a combined rent of about $1,300 – a fortune for a family surviving on meagre savings.
Gaeem noted that while his salary as a Palestinian Authority (PA) civil servant is $500 a month, he hasn't been paid in months because of the PA's ongoing economic crisis.
Over the past several years, the PA has cut salaries and struggled to pay its staff as a result of dwindling donor support and Israel's refusal to hand over tax revenue it collects on the PA's behalf, an arrangement laid out in the Oslo Accords.
The PA itself was born out of the Oslo peace agreements of 1993 and 1995, which were signed by the Israeli and Palestinian leaders. The accords ostensibly aimed to bring about a Palestinian state in the years that followed.
Unprecedented crisis
The Oslo Accords split the West Bank into three zones.
The PA was tasked with overseeing security and executive functions in Area A and executive functions in Area B while Israel remained in total control of Area C.
This control allowed Israel to quietly and gradually expand illegal settlements – after encircling and then demolishing Palestinian homes and communities – in Area C, a largely agricultural region that makes up about 60 percent of the West Bank.
In July, the Israeli army issued two orders that gave it an additional legal pretext to demolish homes in Area B – a power previously held only by the PA under the Oslo Accords. The orders enabled Israel to assume control over building and planning laws and laws pertaining to agricultural sites.
Before these measures, most demolitions in Areas A and B were carried out during military operations or as reprisals against Palestinians who resisted the occupation. Israel now has an additional legal basis to destroy Palestinian homes by claiming the owners do not have building permits.
Israel systematically denies building permits to Palestinians as part of a broader policy of confiscating Palestinian homes and land, according to human rights groups.
Among the record number of demolitions carried out across the West Bank this year, the UN documented the destruction of 49 structures in Areas A and B.
Under international law, Israel is prohibited from destroying private property anywhere in occupied Palestinian territory and from establishing settlements or outposts.
'The extension of demolitions in Area A and B and the way Israel is changing the legal status in Area B are unprecedented,' said Tahani Mustafa, an expert on the West Bank with the International Crisis Group think tank.
She added that Israel appears to be trying to confine Palestinians to ever smaller pockets of land in Area A. Israel's ultimate plan, she fears, is to make life increasingly unbearable for Palestinians in urban centres, likely by imposing more checkpoints and barriers to restrict movement and carrying out more raids
Israel's intensifying assault on Palestinians across the West Bank already has people like al-Mohamed fearing that his family could be evicted again.
He said most Palestinians predict that Israel will turn its attention to the West Bank's cities after it finishes its military raids in the nearby camps.
'It's hard for us to go anywhere else other than the West Bank,' he told Al Jazeera.
'This is our land. It's where we want to live and where we want to die.'
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Experts say Israel's West Bank demolitions aim to drive Palestinians away
Experts say Israel's West Bank demolitions aim to drive Palestinians away

Al Jazeera

time3 hours ago

  • Al Jazeera

Experts say Israel's West Bank demolitions aim to drive Palestinians away

On June 25, Mutawakil al-Mohamad and his family woke up to the sound of Israeli soldiers pounding on their door with their rifles. It would be the last time they woke up in their family home in occupied East Jerusalem. The Israeli forces arrived at 7am in military convoys with two heavy bulldozers, and al-Mohamad was terrified the soldiers would raid his house and arrest him or his loved ones. Instead, the soldiers told the family their home was in a designated 'military zone' and ordered them to vacate immediately so they could bulldoze it to the ground. 'When I opened the door, I told the soldiers: 'My young children are scared.' I asked them to give me 10 minutes, then we will all be out of the house,' al-Mohamed said. The soldiers obliged, he recalled from Ramallah, the administrative capital of the occupied West Bank, where he now lives. Israel is demolishing more Palestinian homes across the occupied West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, at a higher rate in 2025 than any previous year since the occupation began in 1967. Israeli authorities have already destroyed 783 structures – a figure that does not include the large-scale destruction in refugee camps – leading to the forced displacement of 1,119 people, according to the United Nations. In the Palestinian refugee camps, Israel has destroyed about 600 structures in the Jenin camp and a combined 300 structures in the Tulkarem and Nur Shams camps as part of military raids it launched at the start of this year, according to figures that Al Jazeera obtained from the Palestinian human rights organisation Al-Haq. Human rights groups, civilians and analysts said the real aim of Israel's tactics – systematic home demolitions and forced displacement – is to make life unbearable for Palestinians so more will consider leaving if they can. 'Israel's goal in the West Bank is the same as its goal in Gaza. … It wants to target all Palestinians,' said Murad Jadallah, a human rights researcher with Al-Haq. Jadallah argued that Israel's war in Gaza, which many experts have called a genocide, has shocked the world and distracted many from its unprecedented destruction in the West Bank. 'Israel is benefiting from the images of destruction it has created in Gaza in order to push its agenda in the West Bank,' he told Al Jazeera. Little support Since the start of this year, about 40,000 Palestinians have fled Israeli military operations in West Bank refugee camps. Many have struggled to find affordable replacement accommodations, renting instead in whatever villages where they find room, staying with relatives in overcrowded homes or languishing in public buildings converted into shelters for displaced people, Jadallah said. Ahmed Gaeem, 60, recalled Israeli soldiers evicting him, his wife, five children, grandchildren, siblings, nieces and nephews from their building in the Tulkarem refugee camp in March. The family was also told by Israeli soldiers that Tulkarem had been designated a 'military zone' and they would not be allowed to return for some time. 'We left with the clothes on our backs and nothing else. We didn't have time to pack anything,' Gaeem told Al Jazeera. A few weeks into Israel's military campaign, one of Gaeem's sons managed to return briefly to assess the damage to their home from a distance. Their home – like countless others – was destroyed. Its windows were shattered, the door hinges blown off and walls caved in. Gaeem's family is currently renting three homes in Iktaba village, a few kilometres from Tulkarem city, for a combined rent of about $1,300 – a fortune for a family surviving on meagre savings. Gaeem noted that while his salary as a Palestinian Authority (PA) civil servant is $500 a month, he hasn't been paid in months because of the PA's ongoing economic crisis. Over the past several years, the PA has cut salaries and struggled to pay its staff as a result of dwindling donor support and Israel's refusal to hand over tax revenue it collects on the PA's behalf, an arrangement laid out in the Oslo Accords. The PA itself was born out of the Oslo peace agreements of 1993 and 1995, which were signed by the Israeli and Palestinian leaders. The accords ostensibly aimed to bring about a Palestinian state in the years that followed. Unprecedented crisis The Oslo Accords split the West Bank into three zones. The PA was tasked with overseeing security and executive functions in Area A and executive functions in Area B while Israel remained in total control of Area C. This control allowed Israel to quietly and gradually expand illegal settlements – after encircling and then demolishing Palestinian homes and communities – in Area C, a largely agricultural region that makes up about 60 percent of the West Bank. In July, the Israeli army issued two orders that gave it an additional legal pretext to demolish homes in Area B – a power previously held only by the PA under the Oslo Accords. The orders enabled Israel to assume control over building and planning laws and laws pertaining to agricultural sites. Before these measures, most demolitions in Areas A and B were carried out during military operations or as reprisals against Palestinians who resisted the occupation. Israel now has an additional legal basis to destroy Palestinian homes by claiming the owners do not have building permits. Israel systematically denies building permits to Palestinians as part of a broader policy of confiscating Palestinian homes and land, according to human rights groups. Among the record number of demolitions carried out across the West Bank this year, the UN documented the destruction of 49 structures in Areas A and B. Under international law, Israel is prohibited from destroying private property anywhere in occupied Palestinian territory and from establishing settlements or outposts. 'The extension of demolitions in Area A and B and the way Israel is changing the legal status in Area B are unprecedented,' said Tahani Mustafa, an expert on the West Bank with the International Crisis Group think tank. She added that Israel appears to be trying to confine Palestinians to ever smaller pockets of land in Area A. Israel's ultimate plan, she fears, is to make life increasingly unbearable for Palestinians in urban centres, likely by imposing more checkpoints and barriers to restrict movement and carrying out more raids Israel's intensifying assault on Palestinians across the West Bank already has people like al-Mohamed fearing that his family could be evicted again. He said most Palestinians predict that Israel will turn its attention to the West Bank's cities after it finishes its military raids in the nearby camps. 'It's hard for us to go anywhere else other than the West Bank,' he told Al Jazeera. 'This is our land. It's where we want to live and where we want to die.'

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I may starve to death before I am able to graduate in Gaza
I may starve to death before I am able to graduate in Gaza

Al Jazeera

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I may starve to death before I am able to graduate in Gaza

On July 27, the Palestinian Ministry of Education released the results of the secondary education certificate exams, also known as tawjihi. Like every year, families sat together, eyes fixed on phone screens, hearts pounding, everyone hoping to be the first to access the ministry's website and break the news with a jubilant shout. There were joyful tears and celebrations. Thousands of students, who had endured months of pressure, sleepless nights and fragile hope, had the exam results in their hands that would determine whether and where they could continue their education. But thousands of others – those in Gaza – were sitting in their tents and ruined homes in despair. I am one of them. This is the second year I, along with 31,000 other Palestinians born in 2006, was unable to take the tawjihi. For another year, we have been stripped of our right to continue our education and of the hope to build a future beyond the ruins. Now, we are joined by almost 40,000 students born in 2007, who are also stuck in this dreadful limbo. Last year, when the tawjihi results were announced, I was huddled in front of a crackling fire near a tattered tent, far too small to hold my big dreams. The deep frustration I felt didn't fade – it settled in my mind and stayed. All I could think about was how all my sacrifices, tears, and relentless effort during a full year of studying under difficult circumstances had been for nothing. This year, it feels even worse. Not only are my dreams of education crushed, now I struggle to keep myself and my family alive, as Gaza is starving to death. In these two years, I have watched our education system destroyed, classroom by classroom. My school, Shohada al-Nusierat, once a place of learning and dreams, first became a shelter housing displaced families and then a target for Israeli bombing. My schoolbag – once filled with notebooks and study materials – now carries essential documents and a change of clothes, always packed and ready in case we are forced to flee our home again. The academic calendar, with all its important dates, has been replaced by a grim schedule of air strikes, displacement, and loss of friends and loved ones. Amid this devastation, the Education Ministry has struggled to keep an educational process going. Wanting to give Gaza's children and youth hope, it has undertaken various initiatives to try to keep students motivated. Makeshift schools have been organised wherever possible, while some university students have been able to continue their education online. For us, the tawjihi students, efforts were repeatedly made to set up our exams. Last year, the ministry announced it would conduct the exams in February. I kept studying, despite the harsh reality and the collapse of everything around me, believing this was my chance to move forward. February passed, and nothing happened. The ministry then announced that the exams would be held in April. But once again, they were postponed due to the unsafe conditions. Then, in June, the ministry scheduled an online exam for July for students born in 2005 who had either failed their tawjihi or missed some of its exams; they were supposed to have done this exam in December 2023. Some 1,500 students were able to take the tests online. This gave me a bit of hope that my turn would also come, but that quickly faded. The Ministry of Education hasn't given us any updates on the process, and it feels like we've been completely forgotten in the shadow of war and starvation. Some readers may ask themselves, why amid a genocide are Palestinians so preoccupied with an exam? You have to understand, tawjihi is a milestone in every Palestinian's life – a decisive moment that shapes future paths for at least the next five years. It determines whether we can pursue our education in the field we desire and gain admission to top universities. But beyond academics, tawjihi carries a much deeper cultural and emotional weight. It is not just an educational phase – it is part of our identity, a symbol of perseverance. In a place where the occupation closes nearly every door, education is able to keep a few doors still open. That's why we celebrate it like a national holiday; the day tawjihi results are released feels like a third Eid for Palestinians. It gives families hope, brings pride to entire neighbourhoods, and keeps alive the dream of a better future. Over the many months I waited for the tawjihi, I held on to my dream to study medicine at a prestigious university abroad. I kept applying for scholarships and sending emails to universities across the United States, the United Kingdom and Europe, hoping for special consideration as a student affected by war. I pleaded with university administrators to waive the tawjihi certificate requirement. But the responses were painfully consistent: 'Unfortunately, we cannot consider your application unless you provide your final diploma.' Today, despair and helplessness are not the only unwanted visitors I have. Hunger is another one. The starvation has destroyed not only my body but also my mental health. Most days, we manage to have one meal. We survive mostly on canned beans, dry bread, or rice without any vegetables or protein. Our bodies are weak, our faces pale, and our energy almost nonexistent. The effects go beyond the physical. Hunger fogs the brain, dulls memory and crushes motivation. It becomes nearly impossible to focus, let alone study for a life-changing exam like the tawjihi. How can I prepare for the most important exam of my life when my stomach is empty and my mind clouded by fatigue and worry? It feels as though my youth has been stolen before my eyes, and I can do nothing but watch. While my peers around the world are building their futures, I remain stuck in a place of overwhelming pain and loss. As a tawjihi student trapped in a warzone, I urgently call on educational authorities and international institutions to step in and implement immediate solutions to ensure our right to education is not buried under the rubble of war. We are not asking for much. Giving us a chance to finish our secondary education in Gaza is not just a matter of logistics, but a matter of justice and future survival. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.

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