
Tokyo hopeful's campaign team accused of election law violation
A university professor and a civic group separately filed a criminal complaint with the Metropolitan Police Department, which were both accepted on Tuesday.
The complaint alleges that Ishimaru's election team paid the company a total of ¥977,350 to livestream a gathering on YouTube that was held on July 5 last year — two days before the election — with the money partly used to cover labor costs.

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Asahi Shimbun
3 days ago
- Asahi Shimbun
Police issue alert after lethal ‘toy' guns appear as crane game prize
A 'toy' gun marked with 'For ages 12 and up.' The National Police Agency determined it is a lethal weapon. (Photo provided by the National Police Agency) Police issued a public safety alert after discovering 'toy' guns being distributed as prizes in arcade crane games are just as lethal as the real thing. The National Police Agency is now working to locate and recover an estimated 16,000 of the Chinese-made devices. It warned that possession constitutes a violation of the nation's swords and firearms control law. In a public appeal on July 17, authorities urged anyone in possession of the guns to promptly turn them in at their local police station. Handgun possession is strictly regulated in Japan and, in principle, prohibited. Unauthorized ownership is subject to arrest and criminal penalties. Police say the devices can deliver the same lethal force as real handguns. They are being distributed as prizes in claw machines, also known in Japan as 'UFO catchers,' a popular arcade game commonly found in amusement centers, shopping malls and game arcades. According to the National Police Agency, the products are labeled 'For ages 12 and up' and come with eight plastic bullets. However, forensic analysis revealed that they share the same internal structure as firearms capable of discharging live rounds and possess equivalent firepower to handguns regulated under Japan's firearm laws. In May, a joint investigation by the Hyogo prefectural police and Tokyo's Metropolitan Police Department led to a raid on a residence in Hyogo Prefecture, where 'toy' guns were discovered. Further investigation into the supply chain revealed that a Japanese importer had brought in approximately 15,800 units for use as prizes in crane games. The guns were subsequently distributed to 78 retailers across 31 prefectures. As of July 16, around 450 of them had been recovered, but the rest are believed to still be in circulation. The NPA issued a warning and is urging continued vigilance. Separately, authorities have identified 16 additional models of similarly dangerous 'toy' guns being sold on online shopping platforms.


Yomiuri Shimbun
4 days ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Late Hyogo Prefectural Assembly Member's Wife Files Complaint Against NHK Party Leader; Tachibana Faces Claim of Defamation
The wife of a former Hyogo prefectural assembly member who died in January has filed a criminal complaint against NHK Party leader Takashi Tachibana, accusing him of defaming her late husband. The wife, 50, said at a press conference held in Kobe on Friday that the Hyogo prefectural police accepted her complaint in June. The police are currently investigating the case. Her late husband, Hideaki Takeuchi, was a member of the Hyogo prefectural assembly's committee probing a whistleblowing case involving Hyogo Gov. Motohiko Saito. A video showing Takeuchi harshly questioning Saito at the committee was shared on social media during the campaign period for the Hyogo Prefecture gubernational election between October and November last year, prompting a wave of slander against Takeuchi. Takeuchi resigned, citing personal reasons, the day after the election, in which Saito was reelected. Takeuchi died on Jan. 18 at the age of 50 in what is believed to have been a suicide. According to the complaint, Tachibana allegedly said, 'I have no doubt [Takeuchi] is under police investigation,' during a stump speech for Osaka Prefecture's Izumiotsu mayoral election on Dec. 13 and 14 last year. Tachibana was a candidate in the election. The day after Takeuchi died, Tachibana posted on X, '[Takeuchi] had continuously been undergoing voluntary questioning by the prefectural police.' He also stated in a video posted on YouTube, 'He's going to be arrested tomorrow.' The complaint said those remarks defamed Takeuchi. At the prefectural assembly on Jan. 20, Hyogo prefectural police chief Toshiyuki Murai denied the remarks made by Tachibana, calling them 'completely baseless.' Tachibana admitted the remarks were false, and the video has since been made unavailable. Under the law, the crime of defamation is established when a person is found to have used specific examples to damage someone else's reputation. Those found guilty face a prison sentence of up to 3 years or a fine of up to ¥500,000. The punishments can also apply to a person who intentionally defames a deceased individual with false claims. 'I would like to respond properly after I'm summoned by the police,' said Tachibana at a press conference on Friday.


The Diplomat
4 days ago
- The Diplomat
Indonesia's Human Trafficking Crisis Demands a Community-led Response
Indonesia is currently grappling with a human trafficking emergency. The tragic death of Soleh, a young Indonesian man coerced into working for an online gambling syndicate in Cambodia, has alerted the public to the extent of the problem. First, a video of him lying unconscious during a phone call with his mother went viral. His grieving parents then shared their story on a widely viewed YouTube podcast, drawing renewed attention to the alarming surge in trafficking cases involving Indonesian citizens. Soleh is among a growing number of Indonesians, many lured by promises of lucrative overseas jobs, who have fallen into the hands of transnational criminal syndicates operating out of cyber scam and online gambling hubs in Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, and the Philippines. In March, a joint operation between Indonesian and Thai authorities, with limited cooperation from Myanmar authorities, rescued more than 550 Indonesians from a 'cyber slavery' compound in Myanmar's notorious Myawaddy region. Perhaps what is more alarming is how these trafficking networks are evolving. Where once victims were mostly rural villagers with little education or international experience, today's traffickers are increasingly preying on Indonesia's urban middle class: educated young people who are desperate to escape economic precarity. Many victims are professionals, college graduates or even former public servants. Soleh was a trained pastry chef who had worked at a star-rated hotel in Jakarta. Another victim, Robiin, was a former local legislator from Indramayu, West Java. These cases are both part of an emerging trend that official prevention programs have failed to address. One factor behind this shift is arguably the growing disillusionment among Indonesian youth. Facing stagnant wages and a soaring cost of living, many feel there is little hope for financial or personal advancement at home. This anxiety is reflected in the popular hashtag #KaburAjaDulu ('just escape for now'), which encapsulates the sentiment that any opportunity abroad, no matter how vague or risky, is better than staying. The region's visa-free travel policies have only made this easier. In this environment, traffickers find fertile ground to exploit dreams of a better life. And yet, when things go wrong – as they often do – victims are finding it harder to turn to the state for help. More often than not, it is family, friends, and social media that become the first line of defense. In one case, a young Indonesian woman trapped in Myanmar was able to escape after secretly recording videos of her captivity and sending them to a friend. In desperation, that friend then uploaded the footage online. The resulting outcry helped trigger a rescue effort. Others, such as a group of victims in the Philippines, avoided contacting the Indonesian embassy altogether. Instead, they paid their way out and arranged their own return home, leaving authorities with no details, no oversight, and no chance to act. This avoidance of formal channels stems from real fears. Many victims worry that seeking help from authorities will lead to punishment, not protection – particularly when they lack proper work documentation or have been forced into illegal activities like online fraud. Many worry that authorities will see them as perpetrators rather than victims. Structural barriers add to this fear. Victims often lack the documents required to file complaints. They may not know how to access assistance, or they may be trapped in remote areas with no safe path to government offices. Efforts to report trafficking are further complicated in places like Myanmar and Cambodia, where syndicates often operate with the knowledge – or even the support – of local authorities or militia groups. In such contexts, speaking out can be life-threatening. This is where community-based protection becomes critical. Traffickers frequently recruit through people social ties – friends, neighbors, even relatives – who use trust and familiarity to manipulate potential victims. Countering this requires local knowledge, awareness, and resilience. Indonesia's legal framework inherently recognizes this. Articles 60 and 61 of the 2007 Law on the Eradication of Trafficking in Persons call for community involvement in identifying, reporting, and responding to trafficking. Crucially, they require the government to equip local communities with the tools and access needed to act. These provisions were further reinforced by Article 7 of the 2023 Presidential Regulation No. 19 and the 2024 Ministerial Regulation No. 2, which lay the foundation to community participation in anti-trafficking efforts. From 2015 to 2019, the government's response has included the establishment of Community Watch (CW) programs under the Anti-Trafficking Task Force. These have been rolled out in 320 villages across 31 provinces, training over 1,600 'agents of change': village heads, teachers, religious leaders, youth organizations, and others. Typically facilitated by local NGOs, these agents are selected, trained, and tasked with spreading awareness and supporting victims in their communities. However, these initiatives remain voluntary, patchy, and underfunded. Most CW agents receive little recognition or support beyond a mayoral decree. Participation also varies across regions, and the government has yet to provide robust data on the effectiveness of these programs. Meanwhile, there is a glaring gap in support for male victims, despite men and boys becoming increasingly represented among trafficking survivors. If Indonesia is serious about tackling human trafficking, it must move beyond ad-hoc responses. Community involvement needs to be placed at the center of national policy, provided with the necessary resources, and integrated them into the broader protection ecosystem.