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Skydance chief promises ‘unbiased journalism' ahead of Paramount merger

Skydance chief promises ‘unbiased journalism' ahead of Paramount merger

The Hill6 days ago
The head of entertainment behemoth Skydance is vowing to ensure the company presides over 'unbiased journalism' and embraces a 'variety of viewpoints,' ahead of its acquisition of fellow media giant Paramount Global.
During a recent meeting with Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Chair Brendan Carr, David Ellison — Skydance's top executive and the son of billionaire tech mogul Larry Ellison — the two discussed the entertainment company's 'commitment to unbiased journalism and its embrace of diverse viewpoints, principles that will ensure CBS's editorial decision-making reflects the varied ideological perspectives of American viewers,' according to a regulatory filing.
Ellison also told Carr the company is committed to 'promoting non-discrimination and equal employment opportunity,' in the workplace. The FCC chief has threatened to investigate a number of major media companies over their diversity initiatives and hiring practices.
The promises come as Paramount has come under intense scrutiny over recent decisions to pay $16 million to President Trump's foundation to settle a lawsuit he brought against CBS last year and the network's move to cancel 'Late Night' hosted with frequent Trump-critic Stephen Colbert.
Carr, a close ally of the president and critic of mainstream news outlets, has himself mocked the reaction Colbert's cancelation has caused among Democrats. He also suggested Trump's lawsuit against Paramount could have stopped the progress of the acquisition by Skydance, which his agency must approve by the fall.
Larry Ellison, who personally put up $7 billion for the Paramount deal, is a business ally of the president and is the founder of Oracle, the cloud computing provider for TikTok in the U.S., a company for which the president is currently trying to find an American buyer.
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5 Reasons Trump's Trade Deal With China Is Bad News for the Middle Class
5 Reasons Trump's Trade Deal With China Is Bad News for the Middle Class

Yahoo

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  • Yahoo

5 Reasons Trump's Trade Deal With China Is Bad News for the Middle Class

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1 in 3 U.S. workers say they've had romances with their managers
1 in 3 U.S. workers say they've had romances with their managers

Fast Company

time22 minutes ago

  • Fast Company

1 in 3 U.S. workers say they've had romances with their managers

The complexities and controversies of workplace romances are well known—they're the topic of countless sitcom jokes, and we bet you can certainly recall a salty saying or two about the often ill-advised practice. And, of course, the whole topic just splashed across the headlines when two senior executives from the startup Astronomer, both married to other people, were caught on a kiss cam at a Coldplay concert. But data from a recent survey shows that many workers, even though they're aware of the emotional and professional risks of workplace relationships, just can't seem to keep their hands off each other. Zety, a Polish online résumé company, surveyed over 1,000 U.S. workers as part of its 'Modern Workplace Romance Report,' Newsweek notes. The data on workplace romances is startling: 79% of respondents said they'd had long-term workplace romances. That's nearly eight in 10 people—take a glance around your office and see if the gossip you've heard lines up with this stat. More concerningly, since it raises numerous ethical issues, 32% of people said they'd dated a boss or superior. 86% of people in the survey also think the surge of hybrid and remote working driven by the pandemic has made it easier for work-based romances to happen — possibly because there's less risk of being seen by co-workers if you're simply not in the office. And 94% of respondents also said emojis and GIF files were a boon for workplace flirting, while 79% said they'd bungled sending flirty contacts by sending them to the wrong person. Perhaps the most obvious statistic in the Zety survey is nonetheless interesting simply because of the giant figure involved: 91% of U.S. workers said they'd used flirting or charm to boost their position at work. That's over nine in 10 people, most likely including folks in your office. Newsweek also quotes data from a different survey, from anonymous workplace chat app Blind, that found that among over 8,000 American respondents, human resources staff were the group most likely to have had workplace romances. That's a curious piece of data, especially in context of a 2018 report that surveyed 150 HR executives, finding that one-third of office romances end with someone being fired. Zety's data doesn't necessarily imply that workplace romances are illicit affairs of the caught-on-Coldplay-kiss-cam kind, of course, and neither does Blind's data. But some of the statistics should worry leaders of almost any company. Conscious of the emotional disruption that workplace romances can cause, to say nothing of the legal complexities that may arise if a manager is accused of favoritism because they're romantically involved with a subordinate, many workplaces have strict policies on the issue. But, as the saying goes, 'love will find a way,' and Zety's data shows that despite employers commonly banning or restricting workplace relationships, people just keep having them. Newsweek notes that an earlier survey by Resume Genius found 72% of people who've had workplace romances don't inform management or HR about them — despite the Blind data on the romantic risks confessed by HR employees. Many experts have penned pieces advising on the thorny matter of office romances (many with a simple 'don't do it!' slant). But why should you care about this? The Coldplay concert drama again turned a spotlight onto the issue of work relationships, which means it might be a good time to refresh your company's policies, and maybe even reissue them to your staff so they're aware of whether relationships are permitted, or if they should notify managers of a relationship and so on. But you may also not want to overreact: Some other recent data shows that fewer people are having work romances now than in previous decades—possibly echoing other research that shows the traditional 'workplace bestie' is also a fading phenomenon. — By Kit Eaton

3 things the pronatalist movement gets wrong about birth rates
3 things the pronatalist movement gets wrong about birth rates

Fast Company

time22 minutes ago

  • Fast Company

3 things the pronatalist movement gets wrong about birth rates

Pronatalism—the belief that low birth rates are a problem that must be reversed— is having a moment in the U.S. As birth rates decline in the U.S. and throughout the world, voices from Silicon Valley to the White House are raising concerns about what they say could be the calamitous effects of steep population decline on the economy. The Trump administration has said it is seeking ideas on how to encourage Americans to have more children as the U.S. experiences its lowest total fertility rate in history, down about 25% since 2007. As demographers who study fertility, family behaviors, and childbearing intentions, we can say with certainty that population decline is not imminent, inevitable or necessarily catastrophic. The population collapse narrative hinges on three key misunderstandings. First, it misrepresents what standard fertility measures tell us about childbearing and makes unrealistic assumptions that fertility rates will follow predictable patterns far into the future. Second, it overstates the impact of low birth rates on future population growth and size. Third, it ignores the role of economic policies and labor market shifts in assessing the impacts of low birth rates. Fertility fluctuations Demographers generally gauge births in a population with a measure called the total fertility rate. The total fertility rate for a given year is an estimate of the average number of children that women would have in their lifetime if they experienced current birth rates throughout their childbearing years. Fertility rates are not fixed—in fact, they have changed considerably over the past century. In the U.S., the total fertility rate rose from about 2 births per woman in the 1930s to a high of 3.7 births per woman around 1960. The rate then dipped below 2 births per woman in the late 1970s and 1980s before returning to 2 births in the 1990s and early 2000s. Since the Great Recession that lasted from late 2007 until mid-2009, the U.S. total fertility rate has declined almost every year, with the exception of very small post-COVID-19 pandemic increases in 2021 and 2022. In 2024, it hit a record low, falling to 1.6. This drop is primarily driven by declines in births to people in their teens and early 20s —births that are often unintended. But while the total fertility rate offers a snapshot of the fertility landscape, it is not a perfect indicator of how many children a woman will eventually have if fertility patterns are in flux—for example, if people are delaying having children. Picture a 20-year-old woman today, in 2025. The total fertility rate assumes she will have the same birth rate as today's 40-year-olds when she reaches 40. That's not likely to be the case, because birth rates 20 years from now for 40-year-olds will almost certainly be higher than they are today, as more births occur at older ages and more people are able to overcome infertility through medically assisted reproduction. A more nuanced picture of childbearing These problems with the total fertility rate are why demographers also measure how many total births women have had by the end of their reproductive years. In contrast to the total fertility rate, the average number of children ever born to women ages 40 to 44 has remained fairly stable over time, hovering around two. Americans continue to express favorable views toward childbearing. Ideal family size remains at two or more children, and 9 in 10 adults either have, or would like to have, children. However, many Americans are unable to reach their childbearing goals. This seems to be related to the high cost of raising children and growing uncertainty about the future. In other words, it doesn't seem to be the case that birth rates are low because people are uninterested in having children; rather, it's because they don't feel it's feasible for them to become parents or to have as many children as they would like. The challenge of predicting future population size Standard demographic projections do not support the idea that population size is set to shrink dramatically. One billion people lived on Earth 250 years ago. Today there are over 8 billion, and by 2100 the United Nations predicts there will be over 10 billion. That's 2 billion more, not fewer, people in the foreseeable future. Admittedly, that projection is plus or minus 4 billion. But this range highlights another key point: Population projections get more uncertain the further into the future they extend. Predicting the population level five years from now is far more reliable than 50 years from now—and beyond 100 years, forget about it. Most population scientists avoid making such long-term projections, for the simple reason that they are usually wrong. That's because fertility and mortality rates change over time in unpredictable ways. The U.S. population size is also not declining. Currently, despite fertility below the replacement level of 2.1 children per woman, there are still more births than deaths. The U.S. population is expected to grow by 22.6 million by 2050 and by 27.5 million by 2100, with immigration playing an important role. Will low fertility cause an economic crisis? A common rationale for concern about low fertility is that it leads to a host of economic and labor market problems. Specifically, pronatalists argue that there will be too few workers to sustain the economy and too many older people for those workers to support. However, that is not necessarily true—and even if it were, increasing birth rates wouldn't fix the problem. As fertility rates fall, the age structure of the population shifts. But a higher proportion of older adults does not necessarily mean the proportion of workers to nonworkers falls. For one thing, the proportion of children under age 18 in the population also declines, so the number of working-age adults—usually defined as ages 18 to 64—often changes relatively little. And as older adults stay healthier and more active, a growing number of them are contributing to the economy. Labor force participation among Americans ages 65 to 74 increased from 21.4% in 2003 to 26.9% in 2023 — and is expected to increase to 30.4% by 2033. Modest changes in the average age of retirement or in how Social Security is funded would further reduce strains on support programs for older adults. What's more, pronatalists' core argument that a higher birth rate would increase the size of the labor force overlooks some short-term consequences. More babies means more dependents, at least until those children become old enough to enter the labor force. Children not only require expensive services such as education, but also reduce labor force participation, particularly for women. As fertility rates have fallen, women's labor force participation rates have risen dramatically —from 34% in 1950 to 58% in 2024. Pronatalist policies that discourage women's employment are at odds with concerns about a diminishing number of workers. Research shows that economic policies and labor market conditions, not demographic age structures, play the most important role in determining economic growth in advanced economies. And with rapidly changing technologies like automation and artificial intelligence, it is unclear what demand there will be for workers in the future. Moreover, immigration is a powerful—and immediate—tool for addressing labor market needs and concerns over the proportion of workers. Overall, there's no evidence for Elon Musk's assertion that 'humanity is dying.' While the changes in population structure that accompany low birth rates are real, in our view the impact of these changes has been dramatically overstated. Strong investments in education and sensible economic policies can help countries successfully adapt to a new demographic reality.

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