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Minnesota shooting suspect had dozens of potential targets, prosecutors say

Minnesota shooting suspect had dozens of potential targets, prosecutors say

Boston Globe4 hours ago

Investigators say Boelter appeared to spend months preparing for the shootings — the latest in a string of political attacks across the U.S.
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In Minnesota, Boelter carried out surveillance missions, took notes on the homes and people he targeted, and disguised himself as a police officer just before the shootings, Thompson said.
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'It is no exaggeration to say that his crimes are the stuff of nightmares,' he said.
Boelter surrendered to police Sunday night after they found him in the woods near his home after a massive two-day search. He is accused of fatally shooting former Democratic House Speaker Melissa Hortman and her husband, Mark, in their home early Saturday in the northern Minneapolis suburbs.
Authorities say he also shot and wounded Sen. John Hoffman, a Democrat, and his wife, Yvette, who lived a few miles away.
Federal prosecutors charged Boelter, 57, with murder and stalking, which could result in a death sentence if convicted. He already faces state charges, including murder and attempted murder. At a federal court hearing Monday in St. Paul, Boelter said he could not afford an attorney. A federal public defender was appointed to represent him, and he was being held without bail pending a court appearance next week.
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Manny Atwal, his lead attorney, declined to comment, saying the office just got the case.
Notebooks show careful planning
Boelter had many notebooks full of plans, Thompson said. Underscoring what law enforcement officials said was the premeditated nature of the attacks, one notebook contained a list of internet-based people search engines, according to court records.
But authorities have not found any writings that would 'clearly identify what motivated him,' Thompson said. He said it was also too soon to speculate on any sort of political ideology.
Democratic Rep. Esther Agbaje, whose district includes parts of Minneapolis, said she stayed with friends and family over the weekend after learning that her name appeared on the list of targets.
In texts, the suspect said he 'went to war'
Authorities declined to reveal the names of the other two lawmakers whose homes were targeted but escaped harm. Democratic Sen. Ann Rest said she was told the suspect parked near her home early Saturday. She said in a statement that the 'quick action' of law enforcement officers saved her life.
Boelter sent a text to a family group chat after the shootings that said: 'Dad went to war last night ... I don't wanna say more because I don't wanna implicate anybody,' according to an FBI affidavit.
His wife got another text that said: 'Words are not gonna explain how sorry I am for this situation ... there's gonna be some people coming to the house armed and trigger-happy and I don't want you guys around,' the affidavit said.
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Police later found his wife in a car with her children. Officers found two handguns, about $10,000 in cash and passports for the wife and her children, according to the affidavit.
Just hours after the shootings Saturday, Boelter bought an electric bike and a Buick sedan from someone he met at a bus stop in Minneapolis, the federal affidavit said. Police found the sedan abandoned on a highway Sunday morning.
In the car, officers found a cowboy hat Boelter had been seen wearing in surveillance footage as well as a letter written to the FBI, authorities said. The letter said it was written by 'Dr. Vance Luther Boulter' and he was 'the shooter at large.'
The car was found in rural Sibley County, where Boelter owned a home.
Coordinated attacks on legislators
The Hoffmans were attacked first at their home in Champlin. Their adult daughter called 911 to say a masked person had come to the door and shot her parents.
Boelter had shown up carrying a flashlight and a 9 mm handgun and wearing a black tactical vest and a 'hyper-realistic' silicone mask, Thompson said.
He first knocked and shouted: 'This is police.' At one point, the Hoffmans realized he was wearing a mask and Boelter told them 'this is a robbery.' After Sen. Hoffman tried to push Boelter out the door, Boelter shot him repeatedly and then shot his wife, the prosecutor said.
A statement released Sunday by Yvette Hoffman said her husband underwent several surgeries after being hit by nine bullets.
After hearing about a lawmaker being shot, officers arrived just in time to see Boelter shoot Mark Hortman through the open door of the home, according to the complaint. They exchanged gunfire with Boelter, who fled into the home before escaping, the complaint said. Melissa Hortman was found dead inside, according to the document. Their dog also was shot and had to be euthanized.
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Search for motive continues
Writings recovered from the fake police vehicle included the names of lawmakers and community leaders, along with abortion rights advocates and information about health care facilities, said two law enforcement officials who spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss details of the ongoing investigation.
Friends and former colleagues interviewed by the AP describe Boelter as a devout Christian who attended an evangelical church and went to campaign rallies for President Donald Trump.
Boelter also is a former political appointee who served on the same state workforce development board as Hoffman, records show, though it was not clear if they knew each other.
___
Durkin Richer reported from Washington and Seewer reported from Toledo, Ohio. Associated Press writers Michael Biesecker and Eric Tucker in Washington, John Hanna in Topeka, Kansas, Rio Yamat in Las Vegas and Margery Beck in Omaha, Nebraska, contributed to this report.

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Trump's LA National Guard orders draw comparisons to Jan. 6
Trump's LA National Guard orders draw comparisons to Jan. 6

USA Today

time25 minutes ago

  • USA Today

Trump's LA National Guard orders draw comparisons to Jan. 6

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'In a bipartisan way, on Jan. 6 − with violence against the Constitution, against the Congress and against the United States Capitol − we begged the president of the United States to send in the National Guard,' former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , D-Calif., told reporters. 'He would not do it.' 'And yet, in a contra-constitutional way, he has sent the National Guard into California,' Pelosi said on June 10. 'Something is very wrong with this picture." On June 13, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals temporarily halted a federal judge's order blocking Trump's Guard mobilization in Los Angeles. 'Small fires' vs 'forest fires' Supporters of Trump's National Guard call-out in California point to a different set of disturbances to justify his actions. Jay Town, the Trump-appointed U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Alabama from 2017 to a 2020 and a former Marine, described a more complex set of circumstances than Pelosi. 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Dems scream that democracy is in peril while proving that it's absolutely fine
Dems scream that democracy is in peril while proving that it's absolutely fine

USA Today

time26 minutes ago

  • USA Today

Dems scream that democracy is in peril while proving that it's absolutely fine

Dems scream that democracy is in peril while proving that it's absolutely fine | Opinion Despite the fact they were able to protest freely – something that isn't allowed in Cuba or Russia – progressives still act as if President Donald Trump is destroying democracy. Show Caption Hide Caption Army 250th anniversary parade marches on despite weather worries President Donald Trump's controversial military parade kicked off 30 minutes early to avoid inclement weather. I would like to thank the 'No Kings' protesters. The estimated 5 million people who attended more than 2,000 protests nationwide June 14 made an excellent point: Our democracy is alive and well. Now, that is not what protest organizers intended. They chose the name for their day of action in response to President Donald Trump's decision to hold a military parade to honor the 250th anniversary of the Army (June 14 also happened to be Trump's 79th birthday). Liberals have painted the president as a tyrant and authoritarian, resembling the dictators in Russia and North Korea – thus the plea for 'no kings.' Yet, the protesters disproved their own point. Opinion: Hey, Democrats, LA riots make Americans like me glad Trump is president The demonstrations mostly went off without hitches, and the federal government did nothing to stop them. Protesters carried signs and shouted things extremely critical of Trump and his administration. No one was arrested for participating in peaceful rallies. That is exactly what democracy and our constitutional rights look like in practice. Liberals are confused about the freedoms they have Despite the fact they had every right to protest freely – something that is not allowed in countries like Russia and North Korea – progressives still acted as if Trump is destroying the principles of our country. 'On this day, where we celebrate the flag, where we celebrate America, we are fighting for democracy,' Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, said at an event in Philadelphia. 'The throughline in America is that the people are governed not by a king, not a tyrant, not nobility, but the people.' Perhaps Weingarten, whose Democratic-loving teachers union helped organize the No Kings protests, has forgotten that the American people decisively elected Trump just seven months ago. She's not the only one. Opinion: Trump hosts patriotic parade as Democrats plan silly protests against 'kings.' Another protestor, Margo Ross of California, told NPR, 'I am completely terrified of what's going on in our country' and that 'from the beginning it's been a coup and a fascist overthrow.' Again, the very ability to hold the protests disproves those 'fears.' Democrats, media show they were not really worried about Trump's parade The reaction to the weekend's festivities also highlighted how Democrats and journalists were never that concerned about Trump's Army parade, despite all their handwringing ahead of time. After raising fears about the parade and what it says about Trump's authoritarian instincts, progressives roundly mocked the military display as 'underwhelming,' a 'disappointing, sad affair' and 'pathetic.' Opinion: Can you be legally punished for misgendering someone? Colorado says yes. This belies that they ever really thought the parade would be a threat to democracy. 'Overall this was a pretty listless and low-energy parade and crowd," The New York Times' John Ismay observed from the event. Opinion alerts: Get columns from your favorite columnists + expert analysis on top issues, delivered straight to your device through the USA TODAY app. Don't have the app? Download it for free from your app store. The Independent's Richard Hall acknowledged the parade was less North Korea-lite and 'something closer to a medium-sized town's July 4th celebration.' Following the June 14 parade and protests, here's my takeaway: Trump is nowhere close to a dictator – and Democrats proved U.S. democracy is just fine. Ingrid Jacques is a columnist at USA TODAY. Contact her at ijacques@ or on X: @Ingrid_Jacques

Democratic socialist faces hurdles with Black, Latino voters in NYC mayoral race
Democratic socialist faces hurdles with Black, Latino voters in NYC mayoral race

Politico

time33 minutes ago

  • Politico

Democratic socialist faces hurdles with Black, Latino voters in NYC mayoral race

NEW YORK — Zohran Mamdani's democratic socialist policies are a hit with affluent white voters. But the surging mayoral candidate trails Andrew Cuomo among New Yorkers he says his plans will help the most. Most polls have shown the upstart candidate lagging the former governor with Black and Latino voters. And with the Democratic primary a week away, political leaders from those core constituencies are dialing up their support of Cuomo as Mamdani's core base — younger, farther to the left, whiter — flock to early voting booths to crown the 33-year-old lawmaker the next executive of New York City. The dynamic is a microcosm of a nationwide divide in the Democratic Party. In 2024, younger lefty voters expressed open hostility toward Kamala Harris over her stance on the Israel-Hamas war. And in the two previous election cycles, voters of that ilk broke for Bernie Sanders while those over 45 — most crucially Black voters in the South — went strongly for Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden. For Mamdani, the obstacles facing him played out in absentia over the weekend in Harlem. On Friday, Cuomo rallied alongside Rep. Adriano Espaillat, chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus in D.C. and electoral tastemaker back home. A day later, he appeared with Rep. Gregory Meeks and Al Sharpton — two prominent Black political figures in the city — at Sharpton's National Action Network. Sharpton praised Cuomo and criticized Mamdani for cross-endorsing City Comptroller Brad Lander and not City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams, who is Black. 'They say that Mamdani and Lander endorsed each other, so against the Black woman,' Sharpton said. 'Something about that politics ain't progressive to me.' (As POLITICO reported, Mamdani's team has in fact sought a cross-endorsement with Adams.) Meeks, who has endorsed Cuomo, highlighted Mamdani's lack of management experience to the crowd. 'We need someone who's tried, true and ready to do the job on Day One,' Meeks said. 'We don't have time to sit back and wait and train anybody.' That political split exemplifies the pitfalls awaiting Mamdani as he has climbs in the polls and activates the excited left wing of his party: Older Black and Latino voters — particularly middle-class Black homeowners — have long been key to any winning coalition in a New York City Democratic primary. And they tend not to be card-carrying members of the Democratic Socialists of America, of which Mamdani is a member. 'African-American voters have historically been more moderate to conservative than a lot of people really account for,' said Basil Smikle Jr., who once led the New York State Democratic Party. 'It's a vote tied to more mainstream politics and politicians, and you will see a higher turnout among those voters compared to younger ones.' No one knows exactly how the Democratic primary electorate will break down demographically. A survey released May 13 by the Marist Institute for Public Opinion predicted 6 percent of the electorate would comprise Asian voters, 24 percent Hispanic, 31 percent Black and 35 percent white. But a Democratic consultant who spoke with POLITICO, granted anonymity to discuss strategy candidly, said based on an analysis of voting history, white voters would constitute at least 45 percent of the total while Hispanic voters would be closer to 15 percent. Former Mayor Bill de Blasio, who ran on an income inequality platform like Mamdani, trounced the competition in 2013 by assembling a multiracial coalition that split the Black vote with Bill Thompson, who is Black. Eight years later, Eric Adams narrowly won the city's first ranked-choice primary with barely any white support at all, anchoring his coalition to Black and Latino voters in the outer boroughs to become New York's second Black mayor. Mamdani's campaign said his pledge to freeze the rent for rent-stabilized tenants and offer free childcare to kids aged 6 weeks to five years has been resonating with older voters in Black and brown neighborhoods. And he has been chipping away at Cuomo's dominance with nonwhite voters by speaking at Black churches and earning the backing of prominent officials representing Latino and Asian communities. 'Our campaign is making unprecedented outreach to Black and brown New Yorkers with the largest field operation in New York City history, composed of nearly 40,000 volunteers and over a million doors knocked,' spokesperson Lekha Sunder said in a statement. 'The polling is clear: the more these New Yorkers hear about our plans to deliver universal childcare and a rent-freeze, the more they support our movement.' But the breakout candidate is also banking on expanding the electorate to younger voters, which appears to be an insurance plan of sorts to compensate for his built-in weakness among a coveted bloc of older Black voters in Harlem, Brooklyn and Queens. These younger voters are less tied to churches and political parties, are farther left than their elders and are active on social media platforms like TikTok that Mamdani has utilized to great effect. Most crucially, activating these voters allows the state legislator to gain more votes while sticking to the left-leaning worldview that energized his campaign in the first place. 'I think Zohran has every opportunity to engage that younger voter because he is one of them, and they are not as tied to the older machines and older institutions as others might be,' Smikle Jr. said. A May 28 Emerson College survey that solidified Mamdani as the clear second to Cuomo found them tied with white voters likely to participate in a Democratic primary. But in the first round of voting, Cuomo beat Mamdani 42-14 with Black voters, 41-16 with Hispanic or Latino voters and 27-19 with Asian voters. As the rounds progressed, Mamdani pulled ahead of Cuomo among white voters and closed the gap with Asian voters. By the last round, however, Cuomo won Black voters 74-26 and Hispanic or Latino voters 65-35, reflecting the essential role these blocs have long played in New York City Democratic contests. In the Marist survey, Cuomo led Mamdani among Black voters 50-8 in the first round and 41-20 among Latino voters. 'When you say free buses, free everything, city-run grocery stores, that scares the bejesus out of folks working daily and paying 45 to 50 percent of their income in taxes,' said J.C. Polanco, an attorney and independent political analyst speaking about middle-class voters in Black and Latino communities. Mamdani has pledged to raise taxes on only the top 1 percent of income earners in New York City and increase the state's levy on corporations. Polanco argued the scale of spending proposed by Mamdani makes middle-class voters uneasy anyway and that he will need more money from them to pull it off. Mamdani's team said they are making inroads with these same voters on the strength of their endorsements and ground game. Indeed, as POLITICO reported last week, a poll conducted by Public Policy Polling on behalf of city comptroller candidate Justin Brannan showed Mamdani beating Cuomo in first-round votes, having gained significant ground among nonwhite voters. The poll did not account for ranked-choice voting. No public poll has demonstrated Mamdani winning. Mamdani's campaign pointed to his appeal with Muslim voters — the candidate was born in Uganda to Indian parents and is Muslim — and the fact he has visited more than 125 mosques since announcing his run. The Mamdani team also talked up its outreach among Latino voters. The campaign has invested six figures into two Spanish-language ads featuring U.S. Rep. Nydia Velázquez and Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso and boasts more than 2,000 Spanish-speaking volunteers. That has translated to knocking on more than 27,000 doors in the Bronx. Mamdani's campaign said he has spoken at more than a dozen Black churches and has the support of former Rep. Jamaal Bowman and other Black officials, like state Assemblymember Phara Souffrant Forrest, who share the candidate's left-leaning worldview. Bowman said the older Black voters he encounters while canvassing for Mamdani in the Bronx tend to support Cuomo because they are familiar with his family name, mainstream Democratic politics and his supporters like Meeks. But they're receptive to Mamdani upon hearing about his platform, Bowman said. 'Even for people who say they are supporting Cuomo, they like everything about Zohran,' he said in an interview. 'They like how he communicates. They love his ads, and they love the issues.' But the energy behind Mamdani's campaign is what could end up making the difference. While Cuomo has hoovered up endorsements from nearly all major labor unions and prominent officials in Black and Latino communities, Mamdani's base is undeniably more enthusiastic. If older voters are not particularly motivated to support the former governor — Democratic rivals and the New York City mayor have been relentlessly attacking Cuomo since he announced — and if Mamdani is able to activate Muslim voters keen on the history-making promise of his candidacy as well as younger progressives, it could make the June 24 primary much more competitive. 'He's banking on expanding the electorate,' said Jon Paul Lupo, a Democratic strategist who is not affiliated with any mayoral campaign. Lupo pointed to a recent post from political observer Michael Lange that tracked a rise in younger voters between 2013 and 2021, which could portend a similar shift later this month. 'If that is a trend and not a blip,' he said, 'then Mamdani has a real shot at winning in a way that doesn't require him to get votes in unexpected places.'

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