Israel's plan for Gaza is a disaster waiting to happen, says Macron
Last week, Israel's security cabinet approved a plan to take control of Gaza City, in a move that expanded its military operations in the shattered Palestinian territory and drew strong criticism at home and abroad.
"The Israeli cabinet's announcement of an expansion of its operations in Gaza City and the Mawasi camps and for a re-occupation heralds a disaster of unprecedented gravity waiting to happen and of a move towards a never-ending war," said Mr. Macron, in remarks sent by his office to reporters.
"The Israeli hostages and the people of Gaza will continue to be the primary victims of this strategy," added Mr. Macron.
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John Abraham says he will never make films like Chhaava and Kashmir Files; calls himself ‘apolitical': ‘Scary when films are made to sway people'
John Abraham is currently gearing up for the release of his upcoming film Tehran, which is based on the 2012 attacks on Israeli diplomats. In a recent interaction, John shared his thoughts on nationalist films that often border on jingoism and provoke audiences. The actor admitted that such films are mostly box office hits but, despite that, he has never been tempted to make them. In a conversation with India Today, John spoke about censorship and said that while he agreed it is important, the way it is managed currently isn't ideal. 'We need censorship, but the way it has been overseen… it's a bit question mark. They have been good with us, but I have also been responsible with the way I have made my films. I am not right or left wing. I am apolitical,' he said. John admitted that it is a worrying trend that right-wing films find the maximum audience. However, despite the obvious traction and profits, he does not want to make such films like Chhaava or The Kashmir Files. He said, 'What is worrying to me is that right-wing films find a huge audience and that's when you ask yourself as a filmmaker what line will you toe — Am I going to take the commercial line or I'm going to stay true to what I want to say — and I have chosen the latter.' When asked if he feels tempted to make films like Chhaava and The Kashmir Files, which have both enjoyed box office success, John responded, 'I haven't seen Chhaava, but I know that people have loved it and also The Kashmir Files. When films are being made with the intent to sway people in a hyper political environment and such films find an audience, that is scary for me. To answer your question, no, I have never been tempted, and I will never make those kind of films.' Vicky Kaushal's Chhaava has been the biggest hit of the year, minting almost ₹800 crore at the box office. The film is based on the life of Sambhaji Maharaj, the second ruler of the Maratha Empire, and his fight with Mughal ruler Aurangzeb. Many have pointed out historical inaccuracies in the film and called it 'half-baked.' The Kashmir Files, on the other hand, was also surrounded by controversies. It tells the story of the exodus of Kashmiri Hindus from Kashmir and went on to win the Nargis Dutt Award for Best Feature Film in the National Integration category at the National Film Awards.
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6 minutes ago
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Australia's Albanese says Netanyahu ‘in denial' over suffering in Gaza
Australia Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said on Tuesday his Israeli counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu was 'in denial' about the humanitarian situation in Gaza, a day after announcing Australia would recognise a Palestinian state for the first time. Australia will recognise a Palestinian state at next month's United Nations General Assembly, Albanese said on Monday, a move that adds to international pressure on Israel after similar announcements from France, Britain and Canada. Albanese said on Tuesday the Netanyahu government's reluctance to listen to its allies contributed to Australia's decision to recognise a Palestinian state. 'He again reiterated to me what he has said publicly as well, which is to be in denial about the consequences that are occurring for innocent people,' Albanese said in an interview with state broadcaster ABC, recounting a Thursday phone call with Netanyahu discussing the issue. Australia's decision to recognise a Palestinian state is conditional on commitments received from the Palestinian Authority, including that Islamist militant group Hamas would have no involvement in any future state. Right-leaning opposition leader Sussan Ley said the move, which breaks with long-held bipartisan policy over Israel and the Palestinian territories, risked jeopardising Australia's relationship with the United States. Albanese said as little as two weeks ago he would not be drawn on a timeline for recognition of a Palestinian state. His incumbent centre-left Labor Party, which won an increased majority at a general election in May, has previously been wary of dividing public opinion in Australia, which has significant Jewish and Muslim minorities. But the public mood has shifted sharply after Israel said it planned to take military control of Gaza, amid increasing reports of hunger and malnutrition amongst its people. Tens of thousands of demonstrators marched across Sydney's Harbour Bridge this month calling for aid deliveries in Gaza as the humanitarian crisis worsened. 'This decision is driven by popular sentiment in Australia which has shifted in recent months, with a majority of Australians wanting to see an imminent end to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza,' said Jessica Genauer, a senior lecturer in international relations at Flinders University. Opposition leader Ley said the decision was 'disrespectful' of key ally the United States, which opposes Palestinian statehood. 'We would never have taken this step because this is completely against what our principles are, which is that recognition, the two state solution, comes at the end of the peace process, not before,' she said in an interview with radio station 2GB. Neighbouring New Zealand has said it is still considering whether to recognise a Palestinian state, a decision that drew sharp criticism from former prime minister Helen Clark on Tuesday. 'This is a catastrophic situation, and here we are in New Zealand somehow arguing some fine point about whether we should recognise we need to be adding our voice to the need for this catastrophe to stop,' she said in an interview with state broadcaster RNZ. 'This is not the New Zealand I've known.'
Scroll.in
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What India's passionate support for an assassinated Congolese leader says about today's world order
On February 19, 1961, thousands of people gathered in New Delhi to protest the murder of the young leader of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Patrice Lumumba. The freedom fighter Aruna Asaf Ali, one of the organisers of the event, compared the martyrdom of 35-year-old Lumumba to the hanging of revolutionary Bhagat Singh by the British colonial administration. Congress politician Indira Gandhi said that Lumumba's loss was that of 'somebody very near'. She added that there is more India could have done to protect Lumumba. Footage of the event shows that the large crowds were drawn across the political spectrum. Artist Amrita Pritam wrote a poem for Lumumba in Punjabi, asking 'Can the white sheet hide this red spot in its folds?' There were several tributes in Urdu including by Makhdoom and Sahir Ludhianvi. Sahir's poem translated into English by KA Abbas had the lines 'Every drop of a martyr's blood, Will Light an Immortal Flame'. Abbas himself wrote a story based on Lumumba. What caused this passionate indignation and upsurge of support in India for Lumumba, whose birth centenary is being celebrated this year? It reflected a time when India was closely involved in the liberation struggles in Africa through the state, the activities of solidarity organisations and sympathetic individuals. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru described the murder as 'a turning point' in the history of Africa, predicting that 'a dead Lumumba is infinitely more powerful than a live Lumumba'. Lumumba had been murdered just a year after being elected prime minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo on June 30, 1960, when the country gained independence from Belgium. By January the next year, he was brutally tortured and assassinated. His body was dissolved in acid. As is now well documented, the US and the Belgians both worked to overthrow the young African leader. The Congo had become embroiled in a political crisis after independence because the Katanga region – extremely rich in mineral resources – announced its secession with Belgian help. The Belgians were antagonistic to Lumumba and the country's press routinely carried racist characterisations of him. With Katanga's secession, the Belgians found their opportunity to weaken him by sending a large number of armed personnel to the province. Lumumba appealed to the United Nations for help. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld obtained permission from the Security Council to send a mission to the Congo. An Indian diplomat, Rajeshwar Dayal, was appointed Special Representative of the United Nations in the Congo and joined in September 1960. By the time Dayal arrived, it was too late. His predecessor, Andrew Cordier, had actively worked against Lumumba. Frustrated with the inability of the United Nations to assist him, Lumumba had asked for Soviet help – greatly alarming the West. Lumumba's overthrow had reportedly been ordered by US President Dwight Eisenhower. With the backing of the US Central Intelligence Agency, Dayal wrote in his Mission for Hammarskjöld, Colonel Mobutu Sese Seko undertook a military coup. 'We had no doubt that Mobutu's own weak will had not provided the driving urge,' he observed. 'We had our suspicions which did not point to the CIA alone.' Eventually, Dayal himself had to leave the Congo as Western powers lobbied for his removal and his life was threatened. The failure of the United Nations to protect Lumumba brought to light its ineffectiveness. As Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana, wrote in his Challenge of the Congo, this was 'the first time in history that the legal ruler of a country' had 'been done to death with the open connivance of a world organisation in whom that ruler put his trust'. The Soviets asked for the resignation of the secretary general, Hammarskjöld. In a letter to Nehru, Nikita Khrushchev expressed his shock at Lumumba's assasination, condemning the United Nations and asking for the resignation of Hammarskjöld. Nehru expressed his sympathy with his views but did not believe that replacing Hammarskjöld would achieve much. Hammarskjöld soon died in a mysterious plane crash in September 1961. Eventually, Nehru decided to send several thousand Indian soldiers to the Congo under the United Nations mission to end the secession in Katanga. To understand the rise and assasination of Lumumba, it is first important to understand the significance of Congo. It is a country rich in natural resources, including cobalt, copper and diamonds. It is almost three-fourths the size of India. When the continent of Africa was partitioned among European powers in the late 19th century, Congo became the personal property of King Leopold of Belgium. During his 23-year rule, an estimated 10 million Africans were killed. In 1908, international alarm over the atrocities forced him to give up the territory. Congo became a Belgian colony. At independence, Congo had some of the lowest living standards in Africa. Lumumba, who was born in 1925 in a poor peasant family, grew up hearing stories of the Belgian atrocities. He was an autodidact, a voracious reader with a particular interest in philosophy, history and sociology. In his years working as a postal clerk, Lumumba became involved with and led several societies and organisations. He took an active interest in discussing colonialism and race relations. He started writing for the newspapers and also wrote poetry. He had also learnt several Congolese languages including Lingala and Swahili. As he travelled around the country and met with a variety of people, his fame as an orator rose. Lumumba's growing popularity worried the Belgian colonial administration who arrested him on charges of embezzlement in 1956. While in prison, Lumumba worked on a book titled Congo, My Country. The book was addressed to Belgian rulers and proposed a Belgo-Congolese union. 'My investigations,' he wrote, 'have not been limited to the évolué class; they have also been carried out among the working-class and the traditionalist leaders…with people of all types and all shades of opinion.' Lumumba started identifying with the majority of the Congolese population. Play This explains how his political views rapidly changed. In 1958, he became one of the founders of the Congolese National Movement. The idea of a national movement that built unity across ethnic divisions in Congo was a revolutionary idea. Soon afterwards, he was the Congolese delegate to the All African People's Conference organised in Ghana, which had declared its independence a year earlier under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah. Lumumba would become a committed Pan-Africanist. For Lumumba, unity was a principle of struggle, unity against tribal divisions in the Congo, unity among African nations and ultimately unity among all the oppressed fighting for their freedom. Lumumba had studied the ideas of Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian freedom struggle. 'We have chosen just one weapon for our struggle, and that weapon is nonviolence, because we believe that whatever the goal, it can be reached by peaceful means,' he said in 1959. 'This is what our struggle represents…' In an interview one year later, he said that the Congolese owe this principle of nonviolent action to Gandhi. Lumumba did not have the time and the people to fully consolidate the state in the Democratic Republic of Congo. His ideas of African unity and true independence were seen as too dangerous by Western powers in the context of the Cold War. The story of Lumumba reflects the heroism and the tragedy of African freedom struggles. In the century since his birth, understanding the history of these struggles continues to carry lessons for our unequal world order.
