
Senate lines up major step toward passing stablecoin bill
The Senate is poised to hold another key procedural vote on stablecoin legislation Wednesday, clearing the way for the crypto bill after several controversial amendments threatened to complicate its path forward.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) moved to end debate Monday on the updated text of the GENIUS Act, struck as part of a bipartisan agreement after two weeks of frantic negotiations last month between Republicans and crypto-friendly Democrats.
The move appears to end Thune's push to pass the bill via so-called 'regular order,' which would have opened up floor proceedings on the stablecoin legislation to dozens of amendments in a lengthy process that risked derailing final passage.
'I think at this point it's a good thing, because the longer it sat around, the more people picked at it, and it would have died from death by 1000 cuts, if we would have waited longer,' Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.) told The Hill on Tuesday.
'And I think that Sen. Thune was seeing that, and so he decided to move forward just with the changes that were made in negotiations with the Democrats,' she continued, noting that she expects the updated text to be the final version of the bill.
A Senate aide said Tuesday that no final decision had been made yet on amendments but underscored that the timeframe was shrinking ahead of Wednesday's vote.
A key point of contention has been the Credit Card Competition Act (CCCA), which Sen. Roger Marshall (R-Kan.) offered up as an amendment. However, it seems increasingly unlikely that the bill will get a vote as part of the GENIUS Act.
'There's a couple of GOP Senators who wish to avoid a vote on CCCA at all costs, and an open amendment process on this was a major threat to that end,' a senior GOP staffer familiar with what transpired told The Hill.
'Obviously, Leader Thune ran the calculus, and ultimately decided to toss the process out in order to move on Genius,' they continued. 'There's very little Senator Marshall can do at this point, disappointed as he likely is.'
The CCCA seeks to take aim at credit card swipe fees — the fees charged to retailers every time a customer swipes a credit card. Marshall and his Democratic co-sponsor, Sen. Dick Durbin (Ill.), have argued Visa and Mastercard have a duopoly over the credit card market, leading to higher swipe fees.
Their proposal would require large financial institutions to provide an option other than Visa or Mastercard to process credit card transactions.
The legislation has been the subject of fierce lobbying. While retailers have embraced the bill, the credit card industry has aggressively opposed the measure, arguing it would enrich major retailers and force credit card companies to do away with popular rewards programs.
'The Credit Card Competition Act has been controversial for a while in D.C.,' said Christopher Niebuhr, a senior research analyst at Beacon Policy Advisors.
'The inclusion of the Credit Card Competition Act as an amendment, were it to get an amendment vote, would certainly add a little bit of risk or uncertainty as to the path forward for the GENIUS Act,' he added.
Lummis suggested Tuesday part of the push to include other measures in the stablecoin bill stems from a lack of movement on legislation in the Senate Banking Committee over the years.
'This is the first bill that's been reported out of the Banking Committee in eight years,' she said. 'So, there was a lot of pent-up desire to append other legislation that was financial services related to this bill. Some of that legislation is kind of controversial, so I get it.'
'I get why people are frustrated that they haven't had an opportunity to have their financial service related legislation heard,' she continued. 'But there will be other legislation that will come out of the Banking Committee, so they'll have other chances.'
While some GOP senators may be breathing a sigh of relief, the decision to move forward on the GENIUS Act without an open amendment process is raising questions for some Democrats, including those who initially supported the bill with the hopes of making changes down the line.
'I was glad about some of the bipartisan progress that had been made,' Sen. Lisa Blunt Rochester (D-Del.) told The Hill. 'It was one of the reasons I voted the bill out of committee in the first place, was with the agreement that there would be amendments.'
Blunt Rochester was one of five Democrats who joined their Republican colleague to vote the legislation out of the Senate Banking Committee in March. She and 15 other Democrats also supported the GENIUS Act in a procedural vote on the Senate floor last month.
However, she noted at the time that she wanted to see further changes to protect consumers and the stability of the financial system, as well as to prevent fraud and address President Trump's growing ties to the crypto industry.
'I was really clear,' Blunt Rochester added Tuesday. 'I hoped that there would be an open amendment process, and that's what I heard Leader Thune say around last month, so I will take a look at this language, and we'll make a decision from there.'
Thune repeatedly emphasized last month that he planned to move the GENIUS Act through the Senate via 'regular order,' allowing for an open amendment process on the floor.
This was central to his criticism of Democrats, who initially blocked the legislation from moving forward on the Senate floor in early May.
When Thune first sought to expedite the stablecoin bill, a contingent of crypto-friendly Democrats pulled their support, alleging Republicans had prematurely cut off negotiations and ultimately voting down a motion to advance the bill.
The Senate majority leader slammed Democrats at the time, arguing they would have a chance to make changes on the floor.
'All they had to do was vote for cloture. Not every bill that comes to the floor is a final bill. Now, that might be how it worked when they were in control, but Republicans are doing it differently,' Thune said in early May.
Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), a fierce crypto critic who has opposed the bill, warned Tuesday that limiting amendments could undermine support for the legislation.
'Sen. Thune has repeatedly promised that he would open up the legislative process for amendments, and this is his first chance to do that, and he's gone back on his promise,' Warren told The Hill.
'It is possible that there will be people who will say that they voted to advance the bill, but without amendments, they can't do that anymore,' she added.
However, lead Democratic negotiators on the GENIUS Act have underscored the wins they secured through discussions Republicans.
'I think we have worked hard to incorporate many of the concerns that we have heard from our colleagues,' Sen. Angela Alsobrooks (D-Md.) told The Hill on Tuesday, adding, 'We had many, many amendments along the way that have been incorporated. Always we would like to have more, but it was a really solidly bipartisan effort.'
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Politico
37 minutes ago
- Politico
Playbook PM: Reconciliation, rescissions roil Republicans
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USA Today
41 minutes ago
- USA Today
Conservative Josh Hawley introduces bill to raise federal minimum wage to $15 an hour
Conservative Josh Hawley introduces bill to raise federal minimum wage to $15 an hour Show Caption Hide Caption Lawmakers advance bill to lower pay for trainees Florida lawmakers are advancing bills that would allow employers to pay certain workers in training below the minimum wage for up to 12 months. Fox - 35 Orlando WASHINGTON - Ultraconservative Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley introduced a bill on June 10 with Democratic Vermont Sen. Peter Welch to raise the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour, making him one of the few Republicans to support the cause. The bill, dubbed the 'Higher Wages for American Workers Act,' would raise the minimum wage starting in January 2026 and allow it to increase on the basis of inflation in subsequent years. The federal minimum wage is currently $7.25 per hour and it's been unchanged since 2009. It is unclear whether the legislation will be taken up for a vote. Members of Congress have previously tried to raise the minimum wage, but to no avail. In 2021, Democratic lawmakers tried to tack a $15 per hour minimum wage provision in former President Joe Biden's $1.9 trillion coronavirus package, but a Senate official ruled that the measure couldn't be included in the bill. President Donald Trump said in December 2024 that he would 'consider' raising the minimum wage. However, he revoked a 2024 executive order that set the minimum wage for federal contractors at $17.75. 'For decades, working Americans have seen their wages flatline," Hawley said in a statement. One major culprit of this is the failure of the federal minimum wage to keep up with the economic reality facing hardworking Americans every day." Welch, a member of the Senate Finance Committee, echoed a similar sentiment. 'Every hardworking American deserves a living wage that helps put a roof over their head and food on the table–$7.25 an hour doesn't even come close,' he said. The Employment Policies Institute, a think tank dedicated to researching employment growth, opposed Hawley and Welch's push, arguing that it would result in a loss of jobs. 'Sen. Hawley should know better,' Rebekah Paxton, research director of the institute, said in a news release. 'This proposal would more than double the minimum wage and slash over 800,000 jobs. An overwhelming majority of economists agree that drastic minimum wage hikes cut employment, limit opportunities for workers, and shutter businesses.' The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office found in an analysis that raising the minimum wage would 'raise the earnings and family income of most low-wage workers' but would cause other low-income workers to lose their jobs and their family income to fall. Hawley in February teamed up with progressive firebrand Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders to introduce a bill capping credit card interest rates at 10%, saying it would "provide meaningful relief to working people." He's also been a vocal critic of Medicaid cuts.


Time Magazine
an hour ago
- Time Magazine
The History of the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit—And How it Could Improve Trump's ‘Big Beautiful Bill'
This April, over 150 Republicans and Democrats in Congress came together to introduce the Affordable Housing Credit Improvement Act. The bill aims to address a crisis plaguing nearly every U.S. city: the shortage of low-income and moderate-income housing. Nearly half of American renters spend over 50% of their income on housing, a level that experts consider 'cost burdened," according to the National Low-Income Housing Coalition. The bill works by expanding a tool—the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) —which has a long and bipartisan history. Everyone from businesspeople to housing advocates have enthusiastically supported it. The credit helps underwrite nearly all construction of affordable housing in the U.S. Whether Congress can pass the Affordable Housing Credit Improvement Act (AHCIA) may come down to whether its Republican boosters can get it into President Donald Trump's ' Big, Beautiful Bill," which the Senate is now working on. It would add cost to the legislation, which could cause rifts between GOP legislators. Yet, history indicates that including it could improve a key source of housing for America's 'working poor.' At the heart of the LIHTC is the idea of giving investors subsidies for building housing. This concept dates back to the era after World War II. Americans may be familiar with the Servicemen's Readjustment Act, the ' GI Bill,' which set up low-interest mortgages for veterans and other home buyers. It produced broad rings of single-family suburban homes around every city. Much less well-known, however, are a series of incentive programs the government enacted to spur the building of rental housing. Read More: A Look at Community Land Trusts and How They Combat the Affordable Housing Crisis During the late 1940s and early 1950s, the administration of Democrat Harry Truman used a tool called FHA 608 to quickly house veterans returning from World War II and the Korean War. It offered long-term loans and free project-planning assistance to apartment developers and guaranteed them a profit. In many cities, that produced more low-rent units than did the nascent U.S. Public Housing program. In the 1960s, another Democratic President, Lyndon B. Johnson, pushed a new set of subsidies. Housing was a top concern for Johnson as part of his War on Poverty —leading to his creation of the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) in 1965. His administration used two programs, FHA 221(d)3 and HUD 236, to provide depreciation tax breaks and ultra-low interest loans to private developers of low- and moderate-income apartments. As nationally syndicated financial columnist Sylvia Porter reported excitedly, 'There are unparalleled opportunities for profit awaiting you, the investor, in low-cost housing … as a result of the meshing of giant new housing and tax laws.' A savvy investor could use the 'big deductions … to offset your other highly taxed income'—a technique called a "tax shelter." As with the earlier Truman program, these subsidies to private developers 'far outdistanced the traditional public housing program' in producing new units, according to the United States Comptroller General Elmer Staats. During the 1980s, federal housing efforts ran headlong into a rising conservative movement, led by President Ronald Reagan. The right was determined to pare back government spending and slash programs. Congress moved to wipe out most aid to help build affordable housing and replace it with Section 8 vouchers. Instead of subsidizing construction, the government would pay landlords the difference between what a renter could afford and the market rate for rent. But business leaders and housing activists revolted. They insisted that Congress should create a strategy to stimulate construction of new units. In 1986, their efforts paid off as part of the sweeping, seminal bipartisan Tax Reform Act. Among its many provisions was the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit. LIHTC gave investors a tax credit—an update of the tax shelter idea—if they developed affordable housing or provided dollars to a non-profit doing that work. From 1986 through to today, the majority of affordable housing in the U.S. has been constructed with this credit. Local or state dollars often supplement it, but without LIHTC, many projects simply would not get built. The credit has worked pretty well for nearly 40 years, an impressive longevity. But two shortcomings have become apparent. The first is that when the Reagan Administration launched the program, the idea of mixed-income housing was not yet a goal. So LIHTC regulations favor projects that serve households that make 60% of an area's median income (AMI). That's an important demographic, including teachers, nurse assistants, food service managers, and other similarly situated individuals. But this target is too narrow on both ends. It often prices out the poorest Americans, who make 30% AMI or less, and it also offers nothing to people making 80% AMI, who increasingly need help with today's skyrocketing rents. A second shortcoming of LIHTC is that funding has not expanded since 1986, when both the population and its needs were dramatically smaller. The result is that, now, meaningful projects are excluded simply because of lack of available money. As Scott Farmer, the head of the North Carolina Housing Finance Agency told me in an interview, 'The worst part of our job is that we get 120 applications a year and can only fund 30 to 35. Those other deals are great deals, we just don't have enough resources to go around.' The new AHCIA bill recently introduced in Congress aims to address both of those problems. It would encourage landlords to mingle tenants at all incomes. Mixed-income projects have been considered best-practice for some 30 years now; the AHCIA will help regulations catch up with that reality. The AHCIA would also dramatically expand the available credits. It would re-institute a temporary increase of 12.5% that Congress approved in 2018 but later allowed to lapse. And it would boost the total by an another 50%, allowing hundreds of additional projects to become reality. The AHCIA has serious support on both side of the aisle in Washington. Its Senate co-sponsors include conservative Republicans Todd Young of Indiana and Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee, along with liberal Democrats Ron Wyden of Oregon and Maria Cantwell of Washington. The House version of the bill already has 130 cosponsors. The difficulty in passing the bill may not be opposition. Rather, it's that relatively small tax-related proposals like AHCIA rarely get enacted as stand-alone legislation. Instead, they often get swept up into fierce and partisan debates over taxes and spending. That's precisely what's happening right now in the Capitol—President Trump's 'Big, Beautiful Bill' includes massive tax cuts along with reductions in social service programs such as Medicaid and SNAP (food stamps), increased funding for deportations and border security, and much more. Despite its broad support, the AHCIA could be overlooked amid the bigger battles. The question will be whether advocates of AHCIA can push some pieces of their legislation into this larger bill. The history provides at least some modest hope. The use of tax credits has deep roots, both among Republicans and Democrats, and a long track-record of success. When Congress adopted LIHTC back in 1986, it came as part of much bigger legislation—so that path is a genuine possibility. Will leaders in Congress take action in 2025? If they do, the Affordable Housing Credit Improvement Act has the potential to do a lot of good, to expand the housing supply, spur the economy, and help address the affordability crisis plaguing America. Tom Hanchett is a North Carolina-based historian. His new book Affordable Housing in Charlotte: What One City's History Tells Us About America's Pressing Problem is published by UNC Press.