Iran to hold nuclear talks with European powers in Istanbul Friday
Iran, Britain, France and Germany will hold nuclear talks in Istanbul on Friday, an Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson said early on Monday, following warnings by the three European countries that failure to resume negotiations would lead to international sanctions being reimposed on Iran."The meeting between Iran, Britain, France and Germany will take place at the deputy foreign minister level," Esmaeil Baghaei was quoted by Iranian state media as saying.The talks scheduled for Friday come after foreign ministers of the E3 nations, as those European countries are known, as well as the European Union's foreign policy chief, held their first call on Thursday with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi since Israel and the U.S. attacked Iranian nuclear facilities a month ago.The three European countries, along with China and Russia, are the remaining parties to a 2015 nuclear deal reached with Iran - from which the United States withdrew in 2018 - that lifted sanctions on the Middle Eastern country in return for restrictions on its nuclear programme.The E3 have said they would restore U.N. sanctions on Tehran via the "snapback mechanism" by the end of August if nuclear talks that were ongoing between Iran and the U.S. before the Israel-Iran air war do not resume or fail to produce concrete results."If EU/E3 want to have a role, they should act responsibly, and put aside the worn-out policies of threat and pressure, including the 'snap-back' for which they lack absolutely [any] moral and legal ground," Araqchi said earlier in the week.The snapback mechanism can be used to restore U.N. sanctions before the U.N. Security Council resolution enshrining the deal expires on October 18.Prior to the Israel-Iran war, Tehran and Washington held five rounds of nuclear talks mediated by Oman but faced major stumbling blocks such as uranium enrichment in Iran, which Western powers want to bring down to zero to minimise any risk of weaponisation.Tehran maintains its nuclear programme is solely meant for civilian purposes. Reuters
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These tactics are reinforced by an Israeli cabinet decision on 11 May to initiate widespread land registration in Area C. While not officially labelled a 'Regularization Law,' the 'land settlement process' mirrors the intent and structure of the 2017 legislation by legalizing settler outposts and formalizing the theft of Palestinian land. The revived effort gives the occupation state sweeping authority to expropriate land and deepen its hold over occupied territory under the guise of bureaucratic order. In parallel, Israeli authorities moved to revive the long-stalled E1 settlement plan near occupied East Jerusalem, which includes the construction of 3,412 settler housing units. The plan would cut off occupied East Jerusalem from the rest of the occupied West Bank and forcibly displace Bedouin communities like Khan al-Ahmar. 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Any attempt to dissolve the two-state formula without a sovereign Palestinian alternative risks turning Jordan into a demographic pressure valve. It would trigger unrest, displace new waves of Palestinians, and unravel the fragile equilibrium within the kingdom. Jordanian officials have consistently warned that forced transfers of Palestinians would be considered acts of war. Their concern is not hypothetical. Israeli lawmakers have repeatedly promoted variations of the 'Jordan is Palestine' plan, where West Bank Palestinians would either be displaced or ruled by Jordan through an Israeli and western-imposed confederation that absolves Israel of all responsibility. The 'Jordanian–Palestinian Confederation' aims to assign Jordan the role of administrating the remnants of the Palestinian population, following Israel's completion of territorial control. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has made clear his strategy: Palestinians may receive administrative authority, but not territorial sovereignty. He seeks to preserve Israeli control under a veneer of delegated power, turning any Palestinian 'authority' into a fig leaf for continued domination. In an interview with Fox News, Netanyahu made a telling statement: 'We aspire to give the Palestinians authority, not land.' The confederation trap This is why Amman views the confederation proposal as a strategic trap. Without the establishment of a truly independent Palestinian state, any form of administrative arrangement serves as a smokescreen for annexation. The real objective is to outsource the management of Palestinians to Jordan until Israel can complete its demographic re-engineering of historic Palestine. Proponents of this plan believe regional conditions are more favorable than ever. 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Jordan, which rushed to Israel's defense during the three direct Iran–Israel military engagements, is no longer on the sidelines – it is now directly threatened by the occupation state's expansionist ambitions. As Tel Aviv accelerates its efforts to erase the Palestinian cause, Amman finds itself cornered – pressured by Washington's apathy, surrounded by Arab states deepening ties with Israel, and bound to a peace treaty that no longer offers even the pretense of balance. The PA, once Washington's preferred administrator for Palestinian affairs, is collapsing under the weight of its own irrelevance. It commands no land, wields no authority, and retains little popular legitimacy. If it disintegrates entirely, Jordan will be the first to feel the impact. The Hashemite monarchy faces a moment of real historic peril. To avoid being conscripted into managing Israel's occupation by proxy, Amman must break decisively from failed formulas and build a coherent, collective Arab-Palestinian front. Without this, Jordan risks being swept into a new regional order in which it becomes both the buffer and the scapegoat for the final burial of Palestinian statehood.