
North Korea holds ‘nuclear counterattack' drills (PHOTOS)
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has overseen a military exercise simulating a nuclear counterattack, according to the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA). The drill, conducted on Thursday, involved the launch of short-range ballistic missiles and long-range artillery to assess the readiness of the nation's nuclear forces.
The exercise featured 600mm multiple-launch rocket systems and the Hwasong-11 (KN-23) tactical ballistic missile, both with alleged nuclear capabilities. The missiles reportedly flew approximately 800 kilometers before landing in the sea, demonstrating the operational capacity of North Korea's missile systems.
The drill also included an inspection of the 'nuclear trigger' system, designed to manage and control the nation's deterrence arsenal and ensure rapid deployment if necessary. 'The goal of the drill was achieved, and the reliability of the command and mobilization system capable of quickly reacting to any nuclear crisis was verified,' KCNA reported.
Kim emphasized the importance of maintaining the combat readiness of the country's nuclear forces, highlighting the need to enhance long-range precision strike capabilities and overall weapons efficiency.
Last month, the North Korean leader called for accelerated efforts to arm the country's navy with nuclear weapons, while attending a weapons systems test aboard the DPRK's Choe Hyon multi-mission destroyer. After witnessing the demonstration, he reportedly noted that the warship's firepower still relied on conventional weaponry and 'cannot be called a reliable means of maritime defense.'
The United States and South Korea have been conducting regular joint military exercises in the region, which North Korea has repeatedly condemned as provocative. In response, Pyongyang has increased its missile testing, asserting its right to self-defense and deterrence.
Russia has also pledged to help protect North Korea if it comes under attack, under a mutual defense agreement signed last year. The treaty obligates both parties to provide immediate military assistance to each other if necessary.
The agreement was signed by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Kim in June 2024, after which North Korean troops officially joined Moscow's military operation aimed at repelling a Ukrainian incursion into Russia's Kursk Region. Putin later expressed gratitude for the role Pyongyang's troops played in liberating the region, noting that they had demonstrated 'heroism, a high level of specialized training, and bravery.'
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Russia Today
16 hours ago
- Russia Today
As India and Pakistan eye each other, this superpower eyes the whole map
The recent terrorist attack in India's Pahalgam on April 22, 2025, which originated in Pakistan and resulted in the death of 26, mostly Hindu, civilians, has triggered another wave of heightened tensions between New Delhi and Islamabad. While public discourse has focused on terrorism and hostilities between the two nuclear-powered nations, a deeper analysis reveals the unmistakable imprint of another key actor – China's strategic calculus in the region. The relationship between Islamabad and New Delhi has evolved significantly in recent decades. Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar travelled to Beijing days after the military standoff with Delhi and met his counterpart Wang Yi. The Chinese Foreign Minister called Pakistan an 'iron-clad friend' and 'all-weather strategic partner.' China is pursuing a strategy that aligns with its regional interests — including economic engagement, defense cooperation, and influence-building. This strategy, logically, includes efforts to slow down India's rise. Pahalgam incident thus cannot be seen an isolated terrorist attack, but as a signal within a larger geostrategic landscape that is shaping Asia's future. The flareup in South Asia has come at a time of major geopolitical developments. With the mass shift of Western companies like Apple away from China to India, India is poised to become the next big manufacturing hub. As global businesses explore alternatives to rising operational costs and geopolitical uncertainties in China, India is increasingly seen as a competitive option. Additionally, the proposed US tariffs may add pressure to China's manufacturing sector, which is already adapting to evolving global supply chains. For the strongman leader, Xi Jinping, sustaining economic growth and employment remains a top priority. Any escalation involving India could introduce uncertainty that might affect investor sentiment and infrastructure momentum. Regional instability could redirect global attention away from India's growth narrative toward internal and border-related concerns. China's close political, economic and defence ties with Pakistan – an economically vulnerable partner – gives Beijing a certain level of influence on the way Islamabad deals with India. New Delhi was compelled to act militarily, risking escalation and economic fallout. To India's credit, it managed to negotiate a ceasefire after achieving its key objectives of affecting 11 Pakistani air bases and nine terrorist camps and other strategic terrorist infrastructures against the popular sentiment against de-escalation. Pakistan has been struggling with near to bankruptcy. Its foreign exchange reserves have fallen to $4.3bn, its lowest levels since February 2014. Despite a $2.4 billion bailout from the IMF – approved on May 9, when Islamabad and New Delhi were firing missiles at each other – the Pakistani economy is still in tatters. China's offer of financial and military aid to Islamabad at such times comes in more than handy. China's support for Pakistan is not circumstantial. It is also institutional and deeply entrenched. Between 2014 to 2024, China sold over $9 billion worth of advanced weaponry to Pakistan, accounting for around 80% of imported weapons, including J-10CE fighter jets, Wing Loong drones, LY-80 air defence systems, and naval assets. The operational use of these systems in the recent conflict, including Pakistani claims of downing Rafales using Chinese PL-15 missiles, has allowed Beijing to showcase its weapons systems in live combat. Beyond India, China's motivation also ties into its long-term strategic objectives in the Persian Gulf. Pakistan provides China access to the Arabian Sea via Gwadar port, a linchpin in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and part of the broader Belt and Road Initiative. This maritime access offers China two significant advantages: a strategic military presence near key Middle Eastern shipping lanes and an alternative route for oil imports in case of a US-China maritime standoff in the South China Sea. China's defence industry is another big beneficiary of the escalation. Claims by the Pakistan Air Force that Chinese-made jets outmanoeuvred India's French-built Rafales, regardless of their authenticity, have created a nationalist fervour in Chinese social media and boosted investor confidence. Stocks in Chinese defence manufacturers surged as hashtags like 'J-10 shot down Indian warplanes' trended online, and praise for the PL-15 missile system flooded Weibo. Indeed, Beijing wants to use this as an inflexion point for its arms export ambitions. With Western suppliers often constrained by political alignments or human rights concerns, China's relatively unrestricted military exports offer an attractive alternative, especially in conflict-prone or authoritarian regimes across Africa, the Middle East, and parts of Asia. A perceived successful battlefield performance strengthens China's pitch as a reliable arms supplier. From shaping regional dynamics to advancing its defense exports and maintaining strategic interests in West Asia, China may perceive certain advantages in the current situation in the region. While the Pahalgam attack was carried out by terrorist actors, it may also reflect broader regional undercurrents in which multiple stakeholders play complex and calculated roles. Through India-Pakistan rivalry, China is executing a proxy strategy that would halt India's rise, safeguard its own economic interests and bolster its defence exports and regional clout. 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Russia Today
18 hours ago
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‘Korean Donald Trump' emerges from the chaos in Seoul
On June 3, 2025, a snap presidential election was held in the Republic of Korea in which Democratic candidate Lee Jae-myung won with over 49% of the vote. The election followed an attempt on December 3, 2024 to impose martial law in the country, which led the Constitutional Court to unanimously vote for the impeachment of then-President Yoon Suk-yeol. There were several candidates, but the main contest took place between the ruling conservative People Power Party and the opposition Democratic Party. Chairman Lee is a striking and controversial figure. During the presidency of the previous Democrat, Moon Jae-in, Lee led an independent faction within the party and was considered an even more leftist populist than Moon. Moon viewed him as a dangerous rival and tried to remove him via a series of criminal cases. Lee managed to fend off these attacks and eventually became the Democratic Party's presidential candidate in 2022 after all of Moon's protégés lost the primaries. Although he once called himself the 'Korean Bernie Sanders' due to his populist slogans and ideas such as universal basic income, his circle now prefers the term 'Korean Donald Trump', as both share a flamboyant style and peculiar reputations. Even before entering the presidential race, Lee was implicated in several criminal cases involving corruption, abuse of power, perjury, election law violations, and even cash smuggling into North Korea. The accusations were serious – several of Lee's close associates were imprisoned. He was, however, saved by a series of miraculous coincidences: Five key witnesses in different cases who could testify against him either committed suicide or died from various causes. Though his enemies consider the deaths highly suspicious, police found no evidence of foul play. The constitutional crisis that led to the snap election began when, on November 15, 2024, Lee received a suspended sentence. Although conditional, the verdict threatened his political career. If upheld by the Supreme Court, Lee would be barred from holding public office for five years. With nearly two-thirds of the seats in parliament, the Democrats intensified their opposition. Yoon attempted to 'cut the Gordian knot' by declaring martial law, but the public saw this as a return to military dictatorship, which unsurprisingly failed. After a long deliberation and despite contentious points, the Constitutional Court unanimously impeached the president, as reinstating him would plunge the country into chaos. Lee easily won his party's primary with 89.77% of the vote. His opponents were the former independent left-centrist Kim Dong-yeon and ex-Governor Kim Kyung-soo, an ally of Moon Jae-in. Before the parliamentary elections, Lee either subdued or pushed out strong figures from other factions, earning accusations that he turned the Democratic Party into a personal fan club. Still, Lee's path to the presidency was not easy. On March 26, 2025, the Seoul appellate court overturned Lee's conviction, formally reopening his political path. This surprised legal experts, especially conservatives. The reason became clear: The presiding judges were members of a progressive NGO associated with the Democratic Party. However, on May 1, 2025, the Supreme Court reversed the acquittal and sent the case for retrial. Theoretically, this could disqualify Lee if the outcome was unfavorable, but the Democrats launched protests, calling the court's decision a coup comparable to martial law. Facing threats of impeachment (parliament can impeach any official, including judges), the judiciary made a 'compromise' decision: Lee's retrial and other investigations would resume only after the election. Disqualifying Lee would decapitate the opposition, which lacked a viable substitute. 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The first round eliminated four weaker or controversial figures, such as ex-Speaker Na Kyung-won. In the second round, moderate An Heol-su ('the Korean Kaspersky') and classical conservative Won Joon-pyo – who ran against Moon Jae-in in 2017 and might have been the nominee again if not for Yoon – were dropped. Two finalists remained. One was Han Dong-hoon, Yoon's longtime ally from the Prosecutor's Office, former justice minister and party leader. However, Han opposed martial law and voted against it. After Yoon's impeachment, Han resigned. Analysts saw in him a fresh conservative image, but he lost the final round. Instead, the 2025 conservative candidate is ex-Labor Minister Kim Moon-soo. He has two notable qualities: A former union activist repressed under military rule, he later joined the conservatives. And he was the only cabinet member who refused to apologize after the failed martial law attempt. Instead, he argued that Yoon may have erred in methods, but the problem required resolution. Kim became a symbol of uncompromising conservatism. But party leaders worried whether he could attract undecided voters – those alienated by both Lee and Yoon. Fortunately, they had an alternative. After some thought, Prime Minister Han Duck-soo (also acting president post-impeachment) entered the race. Once a leftist and prime minister in the 2000s, he too joined the conservatives. Some see him as a centrist technocrat; others, a political opportunist. On May 2, 2025 – after the conservative primaries ended – Han announced his independent candidacy. He vowed to act as a transitional 'technical president' to reform the government and step down, ushering in a 'Seventh Republic.' In fact, all major candidates proposed constitutional reforms. Most advocated limiting presidential power and replacing the current five-year single term with two four-year terms, US-style. Given nearly 40 years since the last constitution, some anti-dictatorship clauses seem outdated. Han's resignation triggered a mini-government crisis. Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok, next in line, resigned minutes before a parliamentary impeachment vote against him. The role of acting leader passed to Education Minister Lee Joo-ho. Han effectively represented the conservative camp. Yoon's allies saw him as a unifying, rational figure. A split right would guarantee Lee's win. The party pressured Kim Moon-soo to withdraw for Han, even voiding the primary results. Kim denounced this as betrayal, demanded a new vote – and won again. The old leadership resigned. Han withdrew, urging support for Kim. Meanwhile, Kim softened his rhetoric and leaned toward the center. This showed in debates about whether Yoon should leave the party. While a symbol for conservatives, his presence burdened them with his failures – especially martial law. Ultimately, Yoon left People Power, but might form a new party post-election. There were more candidates. Some from truly left-wing parties, as Lee has shifted right – dropping the idea of basic income and even proposing Donald Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize. Independents include ex-conservative leader Hwang Kyo-ahn, now ultra-right. But only one got over 5%: Lee Jun-seok, leader of the Reform Party. A center-right former conservative leader ousted for opposing Yoon, Lee is youthful and energetic. Though his party failed to become a 'third force', he remains popular. Conservatives wanted him to quit and unify the right. Some party members disenchanted with him have even joined the Democrats. Many promises were made by all candidates, and listing them all here is pointless – each of them essentially promises good things and opposes bad things. Beyond key issues such as North Korea-US relations, party platforms differ little. Where they do, differences stem more from factional struggles than ideology. If conservatives say a cat is black, Democrats will insist it's white – regardless of the truth. As for where Lee's victory will take South Korea, that remains to be seen – stay tuned for the next article.


Russia Today
2 days ago
- Russia Today
China hits back against US ‘coercion'
China has accused the US of breaching a recent trade agreement, saying Washington's 'harmful' restrictions and 'coercion' were not the right way to engage with Beijing. US President Donald Trump last week claimed that Beijing had 'totally violated' the May 12 agreement reached in Geneva but offered no details. The consensus suspended most new tariffs imposed since early April and aimed to stabilize relations between the world's two largest economies. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian rejected the accusation, telling a regular press briefing on Tuesday that China had been 'responsibly and faithfully implementing the consensus' despite Washington's 'false' claims. He said Beijing strongly opposed what he described as 'harmful extreme measures,' including the latest US chip export controls, a block on electronic design automation (EDA) sales, and a pledge to revoke Chinese students' visas. 'Let us stress once again that pressuring and coercion are not the right way to engage China,' the spokesman said, calling on the US to stop spreading disinformation. Last week, multiple outlets reported that the Trump administration had ordered US firms to halt shipments of advanced goods to China, including chip design software and specialty chemicals. Experts warned the decision would likely inflame tensions. As part of the Geneva agreement, the US had paused a 34% tariff hike introduced on April 2 for 90 days, at which point Beijing took reciprocal action. Both sides also pledged to roll back post- April 8 tariff increases while keeping a baseline 10% duty on mutual imports. Beijing also agreed to ease certain non-tariff barriers on US goods starting May 14. However, US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer said last week that China had not yet lifted some of those restrictions. Trade tensions escalated sharply on April 2 when Trump imposed sweeping new duties on imports from more than 90 countries, including China, citing trade imbalances. Beijing retaliated, which led to Trump hiking US tariffs on Chinese goods to 145%, while Chinese duties on US goods reached 125%. The US extended tariff exemptions for 164 Chinese products through August 31, according to a notice by the US trade office published earlier this week. The list covers semiconductors, telecom equipment, aerospace items, and medical device components. Waivers for 14 types of solar panel gear remain in place. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday that Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping would 'likely talk this week.' Lin said he had no information to share on the matter.