Patricia A. Hennessy Recognized for Fifth Consecutive Year on the 2025 Pennsylvania Super Lawyers List
PHILADELPHIA, PA, UNITED STATES, May 22, 2025 / EINPresswire.com / -- Patricia A. Hennessy has been named for the fifth consecutive year to the 2025 Pennsylvania Super Lawyers list, a directory of leading attorneys who are evaluated on various measures of peer recognition and professional achievement. The selection process involves independent research, peer nominations, and evaluations, with only up to five percent of attorneys in each state earning a spot on the Super Lawyers list. Selections are made annually on a state-by-state basis.
With over 20 years of experience advising educational institutions and corporate clients, Pat is a highly regarded education lawyer, recognized as one of the top experts in her field for her sharp intellect, strategic problem-solving skills, and ability to quickly get to the heart of complex legal issues. Pat specializes in guiding schools through all phases, from application drafting to daily operations, with expertise in areas such as school code compliance, special education, student discipline, and federal legal matters.
A dedicated advocate for charter schools, she serves on the National Litigation Council for the National Alliance of Public Charter Schools and has been a long-time member of the Alliance of Public Charter School Attorneys.
Additionally, Pat has contributed to private and boarding school communities as a board member of the Pennsylvania Association of Independent Schools and as the outgoing Chair of the Legislative Affairs Committee. On the state level, she plays an active role in shaping legislation related to the Pennsylvania School Code, education reform, school choice, and other critical issues affecting schools.
About Barton Gilman
Barton Gilman ( bglaw.com ) serves clients throughout the Northeast with offices in Boston, MA, Providence, RI, New York, NY, Philadelphia, PA, Milford, CT, and Fairfield, NJ offering legal services in over twenty-five service areas, including education law, employment, medical malpractice and aging services defense, professional liability defense, insurance coverage and bad faith litigation, product liability and general liability, business and commercial litigation, as well as immigration, family law, trusts and estates, criminal defense, corporate formation, intellectual property and real estate. Committed to diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives, Barton Gilman achieved Midsize Mansfield Certification Plus status in 2023. The firm and its attorneys have received numerous awards and accolades, including Best Lawyers, Best Law Firms, Best Places to Work Rhode Island, Outstanding Philanthropic Business, Common Good Award, and Super Lawyers.
Melissa Maichle
Barton Gilman LLP
+1 7815348620
email us here
Legal Disclaimer:
EIN Presswire provides this news content 'as is' without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. If you have any complaints or copyright issues related to this article, kindly contact the author above.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
CNN
10 minutes ago
- CNN
The White House's fuzzy math is starting to haunt the ‘Big, Beautiful Bill'
Elon Musk's 36-word social media missile directed at the cornerstone of President Donald Trump's legislative agenda marked the latest, if most visceral, example of a growing problem for the White House. Nobody buys its math. 'I'm sorry, but I just can't stand it anymore,' Musk posted in the middle of the White House press briefing in a dramatic escalation of his initial objections to the giant domestic policy bill's cost. 'This massive, outrageous, pork-filled Congressional spending bill is a disgusting abomination.' Musk's post (and its Wednesday follow up) landed at the most delicate moment for an essential pillar of Trump's entire domestic agenda. Senate Republicans are set to launch their high-stakes effort to pass the bill, while Trump and his top advisers seek to aggressively counter the widespread consensus among economists, nonpartisan budget scorekeepers and Wall Street analysts that the bill will pile trillions of dollars onto the soaring US debt. Trump's top economic officials insist, unequivocally and repeatedly, that the 'One Big, Beautiful Bill' won't add to the debt over 10 years. The definitive statements serve as an unabashed outlier among the catalogue of budget scores, growth forecasts and macroeconomic analyses produced since House Republicans passed their version of Trump's agenda by the narrowest of margins. Differences of opinion between economists, scorekeepers and analysts are commonplace, as are the heated rhetorical attacks lobbed at the Congressional Budget Office. They aren't exclusive to this White House. But the near-universal agreement that the bill's combination of tax and spending cuts net out as a significant deficit driver lays bare an unusually dramatic disconnect with the view of Trump's economic team. White House officials defend their outlier projections with their view that the bill will spark a durable surge in economic activity that, paired with their broader economic agenda, will far outpace the median economic forecasts. That, in turn, would drive up federal tax receipts and fill most, if not all, of the hole created by $3.7 trillion loss of revenue to the government projected over 10 years at the same time Trump's tariffs would drive a dramatic surge in revenue not included in any budget score tied to the bill. The $1.3 trillion in mandatory spending cuts over a decade would mark the starting point White House officials will take into the looming spending battle on Capitol Hill, where Trump and Republican leaders will drive a hardline view that any bipartisan agreement must include deep discretionary spending cuts. To put it plainly, the White House rationale is tied to a combination of projections and assumptions that crash head-on with economic, political and geopolitical consensus views of reality. 'There are a lot of arguments Republicans can make here – and the White House makes them, too – about the merits of this package and our long-standing belief that scorekeepers consistently fail to capture the effect of tax cuts,' said a Republican economic official who has served in multiple GOP administrations. 'But I'm not sure why they insist on going this particular route given the design of the bill.' But White House officials, who regularly point to several projections that undershot Trump's first term economy, have elevated that message at a critical moment. The White House's messaging is intended to undercut public opposition from Republican Sens. Rand Paul and Ron Johnson, as well as the private anxiety of a handful of others as the Senate mulls changes to the House-passed version of the plan, according to multiple Senate GOP aides. 'I want to see the tax cuts made permanent, but I also want to see the $5 trillion in new debt removed from the bill,' Paul said Tuesday. 'At least four of us in the Senate feel this way.' But it's also directed at an audience that carries far more sway over Trump's economic agenda than any politician: bond investors, who have grown increasingly jittery in recent months. Escalating concern over stratospheric US debt levels drove last month's credit rating downgrade from Moody's, which helped spark another round of tumult in the world's largest and most liquid bond market. Investors had already signaled unease with Trump's expansive 'Liberation Day' tariffs in April, but as the House moved toward a vote on the bill last month, bond investors once again got jittery. That signaled bond investors' willingness to consider whether the decades-long warnings of a looming, but theoretical, US fiscal collapse may be inching closer to reality. 'You are going to see a crack in the bond market, OK?' said JPMorgan CEO Jamie Dimon during a May 30 discussion at the Reagan National Economic Forum in California. Dimon, who also said he supports the Republican bill because of the certainty it will bring to US tax policy, said he couldn't predict when exactly that kind of dramatic disruption would occur. But Dimon said the current US fiscal position, absent a major and sustained policy shift, makes a crisis inevitable. 'It's going to happen,' Dimon said. White House officials dismiss that worst-case scenario. They insist the administration isn't rattled by the spike in long-term US borrowing costs or the tumultuous few months in the US Treasury market. They say the bond market's fluctuations aren't aren't tethered to the realities underpinning the world's largest economy. 'I've known Jamie a long time, and for his entire career he's made predictions like this,' Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said Sunday on CBS' Face the Nation. 'Fortunately, none of them have come true.' Bessent's blunt dismissal of Dimon's prediction reflected a prevailing view inside the West Wing that boils down to, essentially (and sometimes, depending on the adviser, explicitly): 'Everyone else is wrong.' After all, the bill represents an essential component of Trump's economic agenda. The package is more or less what every Republican elected in 2024 campaigned on with Trump. This package includes the tax cuts at the heart of his economic agenda and a series of regulatory reforms that accelerate his sweeping deregulatory agenda. The bill also includes significant military and immigration enforcement spending that would fulfill campaign pledges. Narrow majorities in both chambers were always going to make the effort a high-wire act to balance the hardline fiscal hawks' desires with the needs of the more moderate members who populate the conferences in both chambers. But failure – and the devastating economic and political consequences it would bring – isn't really an option here for the White House or GOP leaders. Still, the deficit concerns are very real and pose the most acute risk at this stage of Senate consideration. They also represent a far higher-stakes threat if bond investor jitters turn into something more dire. White House officials are keenly aware they need to aggressively make their case to uneasy bond investors – and make it well. That reality, more than anything else, raises the question of why officials insist on declaring the bill won't drive up deficits by even a dollar over 10 years. The big assumptions that underpin that projection go something like this: 1) Tariffs will produce trillions of dollars in revenue without hurting US economic growth. 2) Courts allow the White House's sweeping deregulatory agenda, including DOGE cuts, to go forward. 3) Business investment surges, even after the front-loaded corporate tax incentives expire in a couple years. 4) Backloaded spending cuts remain in place over a four-year period and Republicans secure major discretionary spending cuts that will require Democratic support. You can see the sheer number of variables, many outside of Trump's control, inherent in those assertions. That underscores the connective tissue between Trump's first and second terms – and the number of Trump advisers who were by his side then and now. Trump's advisers remain animated by the unyielding belief that the economic experts were proven wrong in Trump's first term. They are betting that's the case again, with Trump's entire economic agenda hanging in the balance. Musk's social media unburdening this week certainly wasn't helpful to the cause. But there is no discussion about any major course change at the White House. 'Nothing has changed from our view of the world,' Vought told reporters outside the West Wing a couple of hours of Musk's Tuesday post.
Yahoo
17 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Shift4 CEO likely to keep post
This story was originally published on Payments Dive. To receive daily news and insights, subscribe to our free daily Payments Dive newsletter. Shift4 Payments CEO Jared Isaacman is expected to remain with the company now that he won't be running NASA, according to analysts who follow the payment processor. While the company had named Taylor Lauber as his replacement, that succession plan was only set to kick in if Isaacman shifted to NASA. But President Donald Trump over the weekend nixed Isaacman as a nominee to lead NASA, so there may be no need for Shift4 to change CEOs. Isaacman will stay at Shift4 in some capacity, predicted Stephens analyst Charles Nabhan. "The big question is whether he's going to be CEO or if he's going to be chairman," Nabhan said. Isaacman, who founded the company, has also served as Shift4's board chairman. He has been a close associate of SpaceX and Tesla CEO Elon Musk, who was part of Trump's cabinet until exiting last week. Isaacman was also set to give up his super-voting shares upon his confirmation as NASA administrator, but now that he won't be joining the space agency, he can maintain his controlling stake in the Allentown, Pennsylvania-based payments firm, according to Hal Goetsch, an analyst for B. Riley Securities. Isaacman has been the controlling shareholder for the payment processor since it went public in 2020. Lauber, who is president, said in a May earnings call that Isaacman would convert his class C and class B shares into class A shares — a move that would give him one vote per share — after which the CEO would have 25% of outstanding class A shares. Even if he doesn't return to his duties as CEO, he will still control the company, Goetsch said. Between his Class A, B and C shares, Isaacman had a 76% voting power stake in Shift4, according to an April 30 proxy filing. "Anything that happens at Shift4 has to go through him," Goetsch said in an interview. Not everyone, however, is convinced Isaacman will maintain his extra voting rights. "That's another topic of debate," Nabhan said. "I still think it's a possibility (that he will give up his super-voting shares), and I've spoken to some investors who believe that as well." Trump picked Isaacman to lead NASA in December, but abruptly pulled his nomination over the weekend with little explanation. Trump reversed course on Isaacman after reviewing the CEO's past donations to Democrats, such as former Sen. Bob Casey of Pennsylvania and Sen. Mark Kelly of Arizona, according to a report from the New York Times. The Senate Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee had approved Isaacman's nomination and he was waiting on a vote, possibly as soon as this week, in the full Senate. He was expected to sail to confirmation with around 70 votes, said Goetsch, who said it would be 'terrific news' if Isaacman instead continued to lead the company. Shortly after Isaacman's nomination, a company spokesperson said Shift4 President Taylor Lauber would take over as CEO once Isaacman was confirmed. Spokespeople for Shift4 did not respond to requests for comment on the company's current plans. Lauber and Isaacman are longtime friends and colleagues and shouldn't have trouble coexisting, no matter what roles they end up in, Nabhan said Recommended Reading Shift4 CEO grilled by senators on Musk, SpaceX ties Sign in to access your portfolio
Bloomberg
26 minutes ago
- Bloomberg
CBO's New Tax and Tariff Estimates Offer Trump a Tentative Win
The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office handed Republicans a major political talking point Wednesday, with projections that showed the possibility for President Donald Trump's tariffs to bring in more federal revenue than will be lost by his giant tax-cut plan. One notable caveat: the CBO assessment assumes that tariffs remain at very high levels for the next decade — something administration officials have not explicitly said is their intention. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has said that Trump 'uses tariffs to negotiate.'
