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Mukesh Ambani, Anil Ambani's father Dhirubhai Ambani borrowed Reliance name from…, started company with this product, not oil, retail or telecommunication

Mukesh Ambani, Anil Ambani's father Dhirubhai Ambani borrowed Reliance name from…, started company with this product, not oil, retail or telecommunication

India.com25-04-2025

If Dhirubhai Ambani were alive today, he would have been 92 years old. Born on 28th December 1932, he is remembered as a visionary entrepreneur who transformed the way business is done in India. His journey to success was anything but easy. Through innovative strategies and sheer determination, he rose to become one of the wealthiest individuals in the country. Dhirubhai started his career with just Rs 200, but through his hard work and smart planning, he built Reliance Industries, one of India's biggest business empires. By the time of his passing in 2002, Reliance was worth around Rs 62,000 crore. A tough beginning
Dhirubhai was born in Chorwad, a small village in Gujarat, to Hirachand Gordhanbhai Ambani, a school teacher. He was the third son in the family. Due to financial hardship, he could only study up to high school. To support his family, he began doing small jobs. However, life had much bigger things in store for him. Yemen chapter: The turning point
In 1949, at the age of 17, Dhirubhai took a ship named Kabota and traveled to Aden in Yemen, where his elder brother Ramniklal was already working. There, he joined A. Besse & Co., a firm dealing in petroleum products, earning Rs 200 per month. He started by working at a petrol station. Within two years, when the company became a distributor for Shell, he was promoted to manager at the company's filling station at the Aden port. But Dhirubhai had bigger dreams. In 1954, he decided to return to India and start something of his own. The new beginning
Inspired during his stay in Yemen, Dhirubhai dreamt of making it big. A year after coming back to India, he moved to Mumbai. He had only Rs 500 in his pocket when he left home, but what he lacked in money, he made up for with courage and ambition. This marked the beginning of his entrepreneurial journey in Mumbai.
At that time, polyester was in high demand in India, while Indian spices had a strong market abroad. With just a 350-square-foot room, one desk, three chairs, two employees, and a single telephone, Dhirubhai laid the foundation of his first company—Reliance Commercial Corporation.
The business model was simple but smart. He exported Indian spices overseas and imported polyester yarn into India. This import-export business laid the groundwork for what would later grow into a massive industrial empire. How the name 'Reliance' was borrowed
Interestingly, even the name 'Reliance' wasn't originally his idea. Dhirubhai borrowed it from a close friend in Yemen named Pravinbhai Thakkar. In a 2002 interview, Pravinbhai shared that he had started a store in 1953 called 'Reliance Store' after getting dealership rights for Rolex and Canon. The store did well, and soon he owned a Mercedes-Benz.
Seeing this, Dhirubhai approached him and said, 'I really like the name Reliance. It builds trust. And just look at how lucky it's been for you—you now drive a Mercedes. I think it's a lucky name. Will you give it to me?'
Pravin agreed. A few months later, Dhirubhai got married and returned to India with savings of USD 3,000. Using that money, he started his company under the name Reliance.
Later, during a shareholder meeting in Rajkot in 1977, Dhirubhai openly acknowledged that he had borrowed the name from his friend who had become successful in South Yemen running the original Reliance store.

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Copper wire, tube imports hit multi-year highs in FY25; cathode shipments fell 34% year-on-year
Copper wire, tube imports hit multi-year highs in FY25; cathode shipments fell 34% year-on-year

Indian Express

time27 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Copper wire, tube imports hit multi-year highs in FY25; cathode shipments fell 34% year-on-year

India's copper cathode imports declined 34 per cent year-on-year in 2024-25 (FY25), largely due to a three-month supply disruption triggered by a quality control order (QCO), even as imports of downstream products such as wire, tubes, and sheets surged to multi-year highs. While copper cathode imports dropped sharply, imports of key downstream copper products climbed in FY25 — wire rose 17 per cent y-o-y, tubes and pipes 30 per cent, and plates, sheets, and strips 49 per cent. In India, copper is classified as a critical mineral given limited domestic production and high demand in conventional and emerging technologies—from air conditioners and transformers to electric vehicle (EV) batteries and wind turbines. It is also seen as a bellwether of economic activity owing to its extensive application across sectors. From an average of 27,000 tonnes each month between April and November 2024, copper cathode imports fell to around 2,000 tonnes per month between December and February, after the QCO went into effect from December 1. Then, in March 2025, imports recovered slightly to 16,000 tonnes, official trade data showed. India relies on imports for about 30 per cent of its copper cathode demand, a key raw material for wire, tubes, and sheets. The Adani Group's new Gujarat smelter, scheduled to reach peak capacity this financial year, is expected to make the country self-sufficient for the near-term. Cathode imports recover as three-month QCO disruption eases In FY25, India imported 2.39 lakh tonnes (Rs 19,134 crore) of copper cathode, 34 per cent less than 3.63 lakh tonnes (Rs 24,552 crore) in the previous financial year. Amid sharp drop in imports between December to February, two metals trade associations filed a petition against the Union Mines Ministry, which issued the QCO, alleging that the quality norms have caused 'acute shortages' in supply. The petition added that domestic producers could 'charge exorbitant and irrational rates' as imports decline. The case will be heard by the Bombay High Court on June 27. However, a rebound in copper cathode imports in March to around 16,200 tonnes indicates that supply constraints are easing. Official sources told The Indian Express that no shortage was recorded on account of the QCO, and that the Mines Ministry has filed its response to the petition in court. The steep drop in imports stemmed from compliance issues among exporters, especially Japanese suppliers who dominate India's copper cathode imports. The QCO mandates that both domestic producers and foreign suppliers obtain the Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) certification to sell copper cathode in India. Most Japanese producers received certification only after the QCO took effect, and some continued to face minor challenges in ensuring compliance post-certification. 'Roughly 50 per cent of copper cathode demand is in the winding wires segment, which has faced no issue in availability post-December. There has been no impact on downstream sectors,' sources said. Delays in BIS certification were caused by Japanese smelters taking over six months to apply, despite ample time and extensions, they added. Copper wire, tube, sheet imports surge in FY25 Downstream copper imports climbed to multi-year highs in FY25, defying the slump in cathode shipments. Copper wire imports—primarily from the UAE—rose 17 per cent from 1.31 lakh tonnes in FY24 to 1.54 lakh tonnes in FY25, with their value jumping 29 per cent to Rs 12,653 crore. 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Growth persisted due to potential stocking-up before enforcement, longer timelines for small (January 2025) and micro (April 2025) units, exemptions for certain tubes and export-use products, and timely grant of BIS certification to some foreign manufacturers. Domestic cathode output rises, new smelters coming online Domestic copper cathode production rose 12.6 per cent to 5.73 lakh tonnes in FY25, driven primarily by Hindalco Industries Ltd, which holds a 70 per cent market share and has a capacity of 5 lakh tonnes. Production last year surpassed the previous peak of 5.55 lakh tonnes recorded in FY23. Vedanta's Sterlite Copper, with a smaller capacity of 2.16 lakh tonnes, contributed 26 per cent of cathode in FY25. Notably, India remained self-sufficient in copper cathode until 2018, when Vedanta's Tuticorin plant was shut down over environmental violations. 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Jaishankar to visit France, Belgium from June 8
Jaishankar to visit France, Belgium from June 8

Indian Express

time27 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Jaishankar to visit France, Belgium from June 8

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar is travelling to France and Belgium from June 8 to 14, days after he visited Germany. The visit is important since a multi-party political delegation also visited France and Belgium to canvas support for India's stance on Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. Jaishankar will first travel to Paris and then to Marseille. During this visit, he will travel to Paris and Marseille where he will hold bilateral discussions with his counterpart Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France, Jean Noel Barrot, besides engaging with the country's senior leadership. He will also participate in the inaugural edition of the Mediterranean Raisina Dialogue which is being held in the city of Marseille. The Ministry of External Affairs said India and France have completed 25 years of strategic partnership. 'Our relations with France are rooted in deep trust and commitment, and our two countries cooperate closely across all domains of strategic and contemporary relevance besides sharing similar outlook on many regional and global issues,' it said in a statement. In the second leg of the visit, he will travel to Brussels. Here he will carry out talks with the EU as well as Belgian counterparts. During the visit, Jaishankar will hold a strategic dialogue with the EU High Representative and Vice President Kaja Kallas, and will engage with the senior leadership from the European Commission and the European Parliament. The MEA statement said: 'India-European Union strategic partnership has strengthened over the years across diverse sectors and got a big boost with the first-ever visit of the EU College of Commissioners to India in February this year.' During his visit to Belgium, he will hold bilateral consultations with the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Belgium, Maxime Prevot and also meet the senior leadership of Belgium. He will interact with the members of the Indian community. 'India and Belgium share warm and friendly relations along with a very robust economic partnership. Today the collaboration between the two countries spans various domains like trade and investment, green energy, technology, pharmaceutical, diamond sector and strong people to people ties,' the MEA said. The ministry said that the EAM's visit is expected to further deepen India's friendly relations with the European Union, France and Belgium and give renewed momentum to cooperation in diverse areas. Jaishankar met visiting UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy on Saturday, and said that India follows a policy of 'zero tolerance against terrorism' and expects its partners to understand that Delhi will never 'countenance' the equivalence of perpetrators and victims. This message will be conveyed to counterparts in Belgium and France as well. This was the first visit by a Foreign minister from a P-5 country to India, after the India-Pakistan hostilities last month. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is also scheduled to travel to Canada for the G7 leaders' summit on June 15-17. He will meet his counterparts from France, Germany, UK and the EU, among others during the visit.

Inside Putin's India pivot: Why Russia is trying to woo New Delhi into alliance with China
Inside Putin's India pivot: Why Russia is trying to woo New Delhi into alliance with China

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As US President Donald Trump publicly lashes out at Vladimir Putin for dragging out the Ukraine war, Moscow is quietly retooling its Asia strategy putting India front and centre in hopes of countering growing Western influence. While Trump's frustration with Putin mounts, the Kremlin has ramped up arms deals and diplomatic outreach to New Delhi, aiming to revive the once-promising Russia-India-China (RIC) troika as a foil to the Quad. Trump's irritation with Putin has grown as the Kremlin delays a ceasefire. While Kyiv reportedly accepted Trump's earlier 30-day truce proposal, Russia refused, insisting on terms that would force Ukraine to surrender territory not even under Russian control. Trump has since offered to host peace talks, but Moscow's demands, including US recognition of Crimea, have drawn accusations from experts like former ambassador Michael McFaul, who called them 'poison pills' meant to derail diplomacy. 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' That's a way to kind of get under the skin of not really the way to make friends and influence people in America US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick 'That's not really the way to make friends and influence people in America,' Lutnick said, noting that President Trump 'calls that out directly,' and the Indian government is now 'addressing it specifically.' Despite such differences, Lutnick struck an optimistic tone, calling India's economy 'extraordinary' and praising its 'amazing' human capital and growth. He said both countries are working towards a trade agreement and that 'you should expect a the not too distant future.' Lavrov's India pitch Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov, speaking in Perm on Friday, revealed new efforts to woo India. He claimed Moscow was told India joined the Quad alliance, which includes the US, Australia and Japan, purely for economic cooperation. But Lavrov warned that the alliance is being militarised behind the scenes. 'In practice, other countries from the Quad are already trying, already insisting on organising naval and other military exercises,' Lavrov said. 'And I'm sure that our Indian friends can see this provocation clearly,' he said. Also read: 'US, other Quad countries trying to force India into military alliance rather than just trade,' claims Russia Lavrov's remarks came a day before US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth's announcement that the US is deepening its military relationship with India. Hegseth cited joint exercises like Tiger Triumph and Towson Sabre as evidence of growing strategic coordination in the Indo-Pacific. He also pointed to the Indo-Pacific Logistics Network and the PIPER initiative as efforts to integrate the region's defence infrastructure. 'Rookies talk strategy, pros talk logistics,' Hegseth said, signalling the US goal of building a sustained and interconnected defence presence in Asia. He emphasised that Trump's foreign policy was 'grounded in common sense and national interest' and stressed that a resilient alliance of like-minded democracies remains America's greatest strength against Chinese ambitions. But for Russia, these moves are part of what Lavrov describes as a Western ploy to 'divide and conquer,' a phrase he says President Putin himself recently used. Lavrov warned that the rebranding of the Asia-Pacific into the 'Indo-Pacific' was designed to isolate China and undermine ASEAN. Rekindling older alliances Perhaps the most significant signal from Lavrov was Russia's renewed push for the revival of the Russia-India-China (RIC) trilateral dialogue. The forum, originally proposed by former Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov, has met over 20 times and served as a platform for cooperation in trade, finance, and foreign policy. 'Now that… an understanding has been reached between India and China on how to calm the situation on the border, it seems to me that the time has come to revive this RIC troika,' Lavrov said. He framed the grouping as a valuable mechanism that could balance out the influence of Western-led coalitions like the Quad. India's strategic tightrope However, India's position remains complex. For years, India has enjoyed a privileged status as one of Russia's largest arms importers. Moscow provided India with cutting-edge weaponry, sometimes even before it was deployed in the Russian military itself. From India's strategic viewpoint, the RIC format carries other risks. Beijing continues to occupy a key position in South Asia's strategic balance, primarily through its deepening alliance with Islamabad. India remains concerned that any trilateral cooperation would be undermined unless China reconsiders its longstanding military and nuclear support for Pakistan. Moreover, the RIC format's perceived anti-American leanings are another sticking point. With Indo-US relations having deepened under both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Trump, especially on defence and technology cooperation, New Delhi may find it increasingly difficult to align with Russia and China in ways that could appear contrary to its current trajectory. 'Wishful thinking by Russia' Professor Rajan Kumar, from the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University while speaking with the , said that Russia's push for a revived RIC format may be 'wishful thinking by Russia, and it flies away in context of the real world and the current geo-political landscape.' He agreed, however, with Foreign Minister Lavrov's warning that the West seeks to 'divide and conquer' the India–China relationship. On whether the RIC would serve as a platform for direct mediation with China, Professor Kumar noted that 'though India and China are members of several international organisations, like the BRICS and SCO, a direct mediation with China is not possible. Particularly after the Ladakh incident in 2020, after which New Delhi's trust with Beijing has disappeared.' 'India maintains strategic autonomy' Asked whether India must align with either the US or Russia, he warned that 'given the current policies of the Trump administration, India cannot depend on the United States. As a consequence of the US president's policy the world has moved towards protectionism, and in the context of defence production this has ruled out the possibility of joint production of weapons.' He further noted India's longstanding tradition of strategic autonomy, adding, 'India has always maintained the policy of strategic autonomy, and it doesn't have the policy of involving other countries in its policy of China, and India sees China as a rival country. I believe in the coming time the tensions between New Delhi and Beijing are likely to escalate.' On whether Russia taking military equipment from China during its war with Ukraine would have impact on India's defence dealings with Russia, Professor Kumar observed: 'Yes, we do have a certain degree of dependence on Russian defence equipment, as was recently seen in the India-Pakistan war, with the successful use of S-400 on the defensive front and the BrahMos missile on the offensive. But yes, we are also trying to diversify our defence, with deals from Israel and France. ' India's balancing act Professor Rajan welcomed India's efforts to boost indigenous defence production, noting that 'one good thing is that India has also ramped up its own defence production and is moving towards becoming a major defence exporter; however, when compared to other countries its defence dealings are still minuscule.' Speaking on how India's close ties with Russia can be leveraged to question China's support for Pakistan, he explained that 'India has repeatedly voiced concerns about both China and Pakistan, especially regarding Islamabad's support for terrorist groups. Yet, India cannot dictate Russian foreign policy, as Moscow is grappling with its own geopolitical constraints. Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Russia has faced isolation and sanctions from the West, compelling it to deepen ties elsewhere. India, while strengthening ties with Western democracies, notably refrained from imposing sanctions on Russia and has abstained from UN resolutions condemning Moscow. This stance reflects India's effort to balance relations rather than fully aligning with Western positions. Concurrently, India participates in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) alongside the US, Australia, and Japan, a grouping often viewed as a strategic counterweight to China's influence.' What's the road ahead? India is poised to maintain its careful balancing act. In practice, New Delhi will likely deepen its defence ties with the US expanding logistics cooperation and joint exercises while continuing to source critical systems from Russia wherever gaps remain in its domestic industry. At the same time, India's focus on ramping up indigenous production and forging new partnerships with France and Israel suggests that Moscow's overtures, though acknowledged, will be weighed against broader economic and strategic interests. Whatever shape RIC might take, New Delhi's core priority will remain safeguarding its own strategic autonomy managing great-power competition without becoming dependent on any single capital.

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