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Bill Gates' daughter follows in his footsteps to launch a... fashion platform?

Bill Gates' daughter follows in his footsteps to launch a... fashion platform?

The Star26-04-2025

On the top floor of a building near Union Square, there's a small, white-walled office filled with frazzled 20-somethings munching on Cinnamon Crunch and jelly beans.
A whiteboard with a countdown calendar is marked off in red. On a shelf nearby, a plaster Roman bust has a pink balloon stuck to his mouth, like a bubble-gum bubble about to pop.
Outside the door: a little sign that reads 'Phia', the name of a new e-commerce tool dreamed up by two Stanford grads in their dorm room.
A basic startup. Except for one thing: the Gates factor.
See, Phia, a web browser/app that went live April 24, aims to be the booking.com of fashion, offering an instant price comparison from thousands of e-commerce sites for any item, new or used, that may catch your fancy, is the brainchild of not just any old Stanford undergrads.
It is the invention of Phoebe Gates, 22, the youngest child of Bill Gates and his ex-wife, Melinda French Gates, and Phoebe' former roommate Sophia Kianni, 23.
It's complicated enough starting a business as a young woman. But starting a tech-adjacent business as a young woman who shares a last name with one of the most famous tech entrepreneurs on the planet – and its 13th-richest person – with all the preconceptions and expectations that implies, is a knotty proposition.
Phoebe Gates (left) with Sophia Kianni on the roof of the building that houses the offices of Phia. Photo: The New York Times Read more: Elegance with edge: The quiet power of Miuccia Prada's life in fashion
'Growing up, I realised that people are always going to have thoughts about me,' Phoebe said recently.
She was fast-walking across the green market from her office to her apartment. It was Go Day minus 14, and she and Kianni were not sleeping much.
'If the business is successful, people will say, 'It's because of her family,'' Phoebe said.
'And a huge portion of that is true. I never would have been able to go to Stanford, or have such an amazing upbringing, or feel the drive to do something, if it wasn't for my parents. But I also feel a huge amount of internalised pressure.'
She knows people will assume her name is how she and Kianni got access to the venture capital firm that is backing them, and met their angel investors and mentors like Kris Jenner, the Kardashian momager; Sara Blakely of Spanx; and Joanne Bradford, the former president of Honey.
Why Alex Cooper agreed to sign them to her nascent podcast company to make their own podcast, The Burnouts With Phoebe And Sophia , about being 20-something entrepreneurs and BFFs (best friends forever).
But this is her answer: 'We're roommates fighting about clothing. We are the girls who are scouring shopping sites for deals. And there are, frankly, thousands of other young women like us.'
Okay, maybe not exactly like her. But close enough.
From Shein to secondhand Chanel
Phoebe, who is named after a character from The Catcher In The Rye , grew up in Seattle, the youngest of three.
Her older sister is a pediatric resident, and her brother works for a Congressional committee.
During high school, she spent most of her summers in Rwanda. She is extremely competitive, like most of her family, and, like her father, she has attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder.
She talks at about 1.5 speed, and her feet have a tendency to jiggle up and down when she sits.
She was raised, like her brother and sister, to be engaged with philanthropy rather than with Microsoft (her father retired from the company when she was six to focus on the Gates Foundation) and to do her own thing.
Unlike the rest of her family, she is an extrovert.
According to Bill, she is the child 'most different" from him. He added that this is 'because she's so good with people".
"When we would go on family vacations, we would find some part of the beach to just be off on our own, and Phoebe would go down the beach and meet people and bring them back to introduce them to us.'
She is also the one who loves fashion.
She lives in a loftlike two-bedroom apartment with two ragdoll cats, an open-plan living-dining-kitchen area, 20-foot ceilings and a walk-in closet organised according to color.
'I used to dress so badly,' Phoebe said.
She was wearing vintage Chanel ankle boots, a Reformation dress, a Nili Lotan blazer from Poshmark (she is a fan of blazers) and some Tiffany jewellery she bought on the RealReal.
When she got to college, she said, 'I used to dress in, like, Forever 21 and Shein. Sophia saw me and was like, 'Oh girl, no.''
Gradually, as she started dressing nicer, she discovered things secondhand.
'Like, I found a pair of Prada pants for US$200 (RM875) approximately RM on the RealReal, and I would wear them every single day,' she said.
Now she buys most of her clothes via resale, and her brother asks her advice on his outfits.
Every Sunday, she creates her looks for the week and hangs them on a clothing rail so she does not have to think about them in the morning. She loves pink.
Her bedroom at home is pale pink. Over her bureau is a painting of a pink cassette tape that she bought in a market for about US$20 (RM88).
Her boyfriend hates it, she said. She has been dating Arthur Donald, Paul McCartney's grandson, for almost two years. They met when she and Kianni did a collaboration with Stella McCartney, his aunt.
He lives in California and tries to come to New York for weekends. When he visits, she said, he takes the painting off the wall. They are looking for something to replace it.
She is very online: She has almost 500,000 Instagram followers, to whom she posts photos of her activism and black-tie awards nights with Donald, like the Albie Awards of the Clooney Foundation for Justice, and about 242,000 TikTok followers.
One of her most popular TikToks involved a bubble tea showdown with her father.
They have an ongoing argument about texting. He likes email; she does not (now he texts her when he has sent her an email).
They share, however, an appetite for what he calls 'risk'.
Read more: Can the fashion industry turn to technology to solve its massive waste problem?
Rewriting the Stanford narrative
The idea for Phia, a portmanteau of Phoebe and Sophia, started with Bill (who once thought she might go into women's health, the focus of her philanthropy) and Kianni (who wanted to be an environmental lawyer) trying to come up with a pitch to get into an entrepreneurship class.
First, they thought of a Bluetooth-smart tampon that would know what was going on with your hormones, iron level and so on.
They considered making 'the Gen Z version of LinkedIn'. Then, they thought about what so many women who started their own fashion labels had thought about: their own experience.
Phoebe remembered seeing an Area dress she had bought for US$500 (RM2,197) reselling for US$150 (RM656) on the RealReal and feeling, she said, 'So foolish.'
Kianni, who is Iranian American, grew up in Washington DC and started a climate change organisation, Climate Cardinals, when she was in high school (it translates climate resources into 100 languages); she was already a dedicated resale shopper.
They thought there had to be others like them – you know, Phoebe said, 'Smart girls, age 25 to 30, who want to shop like a genius and get the best price in one click.'
They were so excited about the idea that they wanted to drop out and get started right away, but their mothers stepped in.
'They both were like, 'Yeah, it's not happening,'' Phoebe said.
Still, she graduated in three years instead of four so they could move to New York, 'where fashion is', and get going.
Phoebe and Kianni are particularly proud of their price graph: a straightforward gauge that pops up when you are looking at a skirt, say, or a bag or even a pair of earrings to tell you instantly if the cost is fair, high or low, and whether the piece will retain its value on the secondary market.
Even someone like Phoebe could not have anticipated just how good that information, coming amid worldwide tariff-pricing confusion, might look. – ©2025 The New York Times Company
This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

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That included hacking phones of espionage targets and analysing the data in a special software tool held by a unit of the FSB, the document says. The possible long-term alignment of two authoritarian governments, with a combined population of nearly 1.6 billion people and armed with some 6,000 nuclear warheads, has stoked deep concern in Washington. Some members of the Trump administration believe that, through outreach to Putin, Washington can begin to peel Russia away from China and avoid what Secretary of State Marco Rubio has called 'two nuclear powers aligned against the United States'. 'I'm going to have to un-unite them, and I think I can do that, too,' President Donald Trump said shortly before his election in November. 'I have to un-unite them.' Read one way, the FSB document lends credence to the theory that, with the right approach, Russia can be cleaved away from China. The document describes mistrust and suspicion on both sides of the relationship. China is conducting polygraphs on its agents as soon as they return home, tightening scrutiny of the 20,000 Russian students in China and trying to recruit Russians with Chinese spouses as potential spies, the document says. But another reading of the document leads to the opposite conclusion. The fact that Putin is apparently well aware of the risks of a closer relationship with China and has decided to push ahead anyway could suggest little opportunity for the United States to get Russia to change course. 'Putin believes that he can go much deeper into this Chinese embrace, and it's not risk-free, but it is worth it,' said Alexander Gabuev, the director of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Centre, who reviewed the document at the request of the Times. 'But we also see there are people within the system who are sceptical of that approach.' Putin has courted Xi for years, in more than 40 personal meetings, and has cemented a far deeper partnership with China since invading Ukraine. The two countries have a natural economic synergy, with Russia being one of the world's largest energy producers and China the world's largest energy consumer. That poses a delicate challenge for Russian counterintelligence agents. The document shows them trying to contain the risks posed by Chinese intelligence without causing 'negative consequences for bilateral relations'. Officers were warned to avoid any public 'mention of the Chinese intelligence services as a potential enemy'. Most likely written for circulation to FSB field offices, the directive offers a rare glimpse into the inner world of one of the most powerful parts of the Russian intelligence establishment: the FSB's Department for Counterintelligence Operations, known as the DKRO. The document was written by the DKRO's 7th Service, which is responsible for countering espionage from China and other parts of Asia. Anxiety about Russia's susceptibility to an increasingly powerful Beijing dominates the memo. But it is unclear how common those worries are across the Russian establishment, beyond the counterintelligence unit. Even allied nations regularly spy on one another. 'To go back to the old adage, there is no such thing as friendly intel services,' said Paul Kolbe, a senior fellow at Harvard's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, who served for 25 years in the CIA Directorate of Operations, including in Russia. 'You don't have to scratch very deep in any Russian military or intel official to get deep suspicion of China. In the long run, China is, in spite of the unlimited partnership and how useful they are, also a potential threat.' Soon after Russian troops pushed across the border into Ukraine, officials from Chinese defence firms and institutes tied to Chinese intelligence began flooding into Russia. Their goal, according to the FSB document, was to better understand the war. China has world-class scientists, but its military has not fought a war since a month-long conflict with Vietnam in 1979. The result is anxiety in China about how its military would perform against Western weapons in a conflict over Taiwan or the South China Sea. Chinese intelligence officials are eager to understand Russia's fight against an army backed by the West. 'Of particular interest to Beijing is information about combat methods using drones, modernisation of their software and methods for countering new types of Western weapons,' the FSB document says, adding that Beijing believes the war in Ukraine will become drawn-out. The conflict has revolutionised warfare technology and tactics. China has long lagged behind Russia in its aviation expertise, and the document says that Beijing has made that a priority target. China is targeting military pilots and researchers in aerohydrodynamics, control systems and aeroelasticity. Also being sought out, according to the document, are Russian specialists who worked on the discontinued ekranoplan, a hovercraft-type warship first deployed by the Soviet Union. 'Priority recruitment is given to former employees of aircraft factories and research institutes, as well as current employees who are dissatisfied with the closure of the ekranoplan development programme by the Russian Ministry of Defence or who are experiencing financial difficulties,' the report says. It is not clear from the document whether those recruitment efforts are limited to hiring Russian specialists for Chinese ventures or also extend to recruiting them as spies. The document also shows that Russia is very concerned about how China views the war in Ukraine and is trying to feed Beijing's spies with positive information about Russian operations. And it commands Russian counterintelligence operatives to prepare a report for the Kremlin about any possible changes in Beijing's policy. Western leaders have accused China of providing Russia with essential weapons components and working to conceal it. The FSB document lends support to that claim, stating that Beijing had proposed establishing supply chains to Moscow that circumvent Western sanctions and had offered to participate in the production of drones and other unspecified high-tech military equipment. The document does not say whether those proposals were carried out, though China has supplied Russia with drones. The FSB memo also hints at Chinese interest in the Wagner mercenary group, a Russia-backed paramilitary group that propped up governments in Africa for years and fought alongside Russian troops in Ukraine. 'The Chinese plan to use the experience of Wagner fighters in their own armed forces and private military companies operating in the countries of South-east Asia, Africa and Latin America,' the directive says. The wording of the report does not indicate whether the FSB believes that China wants to recruit former Wagner fighters for its own formations or simply wants to learn from their experience. Russia has long feared encroachment by China along their shared 4,200km border. And Chinese nationalists for years have taken issue with 19th-century treaties in which Russia annexed large portions of land, including modern-day Vladivostok. That issue is now of key concern, with Russia weakened by the war and economic sanctions and less able than ever to push back against Beijing. The FSB report raises concerns that some academics in China have been promoting territorial claims against Russia. China is searching for traces of 'ancient Chinese peoples' in the Russian Far East, possibly to influence local opinion that is favourable to Chinese claims, the document says. In 2023, China published an official map that included historical Chinese names for cities and areas within Russia. The FSB ordered officers to expose such 'revanchist' activities, as well as attempts by China to use Russian scientists and archival funds for research aimed at attaching a historical affiliation to borderlands. 'Conduct preventative work with respect to Russian citizens involved in the said activities,' the memo orders. 'Restrict entry into our country for foreigners as a measure of influence.' The concerns about China expanding its reach are not limited to Russia's Far East borderlands. Central Asian countries answered to Moscow during the Soviet era. Today, the FSB reports, Beijing has developed a 'new strategy' to promote Chinese soft power in the region. China began rolling out that strategy in Uzbekistan, according to the document. The details of the strategy are not included in the document other than to say it involves humanitarian exchange. Uzbekistan and neighbouring countries are important to Putin, who sees restoring the Soviet sphere of influence as part of his legacy. The report also highlights China's interest in Russia's vast territory in the Arctic and the Northern Sea Route, which hugs Russia's northern coast. Historically, those waters have been too icy for reliable shipping, but they are expected become increasingly busy because of climate change. The route slashes shipping time between Asia and Europe. Developing that route would make it easier for China to sell its goods. Russia historically tried to maintain strict control over Chinese activity in the Arctic. But Beijing believes that Western sanctions will force Russia to turn to China to maintain its 'aging Arctic infrastructure', according to the FSB document. Already, Russian gas giant Novatek has relied on China to salvage its Arctic liquefied natural gas project, after previously using the American oil services firm Baker Hughes. The FSB asserts that Chinese spies are active in the Arctic, as well. The report says Chinese intelligence is trying to obtain information about Russia's development of the Arctic, using institutions of higher education and mining companies in particular. But despite all of these vulnerabilities, the FSB report makes clear that jeopardising the support of China would be worse. The document squarely warns officers that they must receive approval from the highest echelons of the Russian security establishment before taking any sensitive action at all. - The New York Times

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