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Is Trump backing Putin's plan for 'peace'?

Is Trump backing Putin's plan for 'peace'?

Sam Hawley: If the Putin-Trump meeting on the weekend brought about anything at all, it was a closer relationship between the two leaders. One, an accused war criminal. The other, a convicted felon. So, with the US president rolling out the red carpet for his Russian counterpart, what will Vladimir Putin do next? Today, Russia expert Matthew Sussex from the Centre for European Studies at the ANU on Putin's ultimate aim and how Trump's helping him achieve it. I'm Sam Hawley on Gadigal Land in Sydney. This is ABC News Daily. Matt, it's pretty clear there was only one winner from the Trump-Putin summit on the weekend and it wasn't Donald Trump.
Matthew Sussex: Yes, that's absolutely right. Vladimir Putin walked away or jetted off after skipping lunch. He was treated as a respected leader rather than an indicted war criminal.
News report: Vladimir Putin receives a red carpet welcome. The accused war criminal was even invited into the confines of President Trump's personal limousine. A beaming Putin was seen as the beast drove away.
Matthew Sussex: You know, he got to meet Trump as an equal. He got a photo opportunity. He also got Trump to put the onus for accepting what were basically Russian terms for an end to the war back onto Ukraine and Europe by saying, oh, well, it's up to them.
Donald Trump, US President: There were many, many points that we agreed on. Most of them, I would say, a couple of big ones that we haven't quite gotten there, but we've made some headway. So there's no deal until there's a deal. I will call up NATO.
Matthew Sussex: So he got exactly what he could have hoped for.
Vladimir Putin, Russian President: I would like to thank once again my American counterpart when I came out of the plane and I said, good afternoon, dear neighbour. Very good to see you in good health and to see you alive. I think that is very neighbourly.
Sam Hawley: Well, in the wake of the summit, of course, the Ukrainian leader, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, along with European leaders, will be meeting Donald Trump in Washington. We're recording before that meeting, but I'm sure there'll be a lot to say about it in the days ahead. But what I want to do with you, Matt, is to really concentrate on Vladimir Putin, on his motivations, on his tactics. He was obviously pleased with the outcome of the summit. He was pleased with the outcome of the meeting with Donald Trump because he doesn't want a ceasefire, does he? He has no interest in that.
Matthew Sussex: No, that's absolutely right, Sam. He wants to kick the can down the road as long as humanly possible so that he can continue advancing in Ukraine. Now, he only controls about 20% of Ukraine, so he wants to delay because he ultimately thinks that he can convey the message to Trump and to the Europeans and to Ukraine itself. Look, you know, I have an unending stream of expendable cannon fodder that I can throw at this conflict and that inexorably I will continue and I'll get what I want. So you might as well come to the bargaining table. And I think also he's very much reassured that Trump is not going to put any pressure on him at all and that Trump sees really that he wants an end to the conflict only so that he can get the credit for it and it really doesn't matter how it happens. And to get there, he's obviously decided that Zelenskyy is the weaker link and he's the one that should be pressured by the White House.
Sam Hawley: So Putin's ultimate aim remains to take as much of Ukraine as possible. In comments Matt, after the summit, he said he wants a fair balance in the security sphere in Europe.
Vladimir Putin, Russian President: In order to make the settlement lasting and long term, we need to eliminate all the primary roots, the primary causes of that conflict. And we've said it multiple times, to consider all legitimate concerns of Russia and to reinstate a just balance of security in Europe and in the world on the whole.
Sam Hawley: What does he mean by that?
Matthew Sussex: Well, this is a reference to what Russia has long desired, basically since only a few years after the breakup of the USSR, and that is friendly spheres of influence. So being surrounded by buffer states that are naturally predisposed to good relations with Moscow and a sort of insulator, if you like, between Russia and the West. And this has been part of the Russian security policy discourse since even before Vladimir Putin came to office as president, but he's certainly boosted it because he believes that Russia needs to be a great power, that Russia is effectively the third Rome that unites a whole bunch of different civilizations and that if Russia is not powerful, then those groups will fall to fighting amongst one another. And so I think Putin's ultimate goal here is to reshape the European security order that the Soviet collapse brought about by basically taking Ukraine, if he can't get it by subterfuge, then he'll take it by force. And he's proven that in Belarus, he's basically co-opted Alexander Lukashenko, he's vulnerable on his southern flank in Central Asia, but he sees Ukraine as a kind of vital bulwark between himself and the West, and more than that too, a vast supply of coal and minerals that can be used to boost the Russian economy.
Sam Hawley: So since the end of the Cold War, Russia's power has been diminished and Putin wants to restore it. So just explain to me what ultimately he wants. It's not all of Ukraine at this point, is it? What would he be saying to his military chiefs sitting in Moscow?
Matthew Sussex: Well, look, Putin has had the same goal since the start of the conflict, and that is to capture four key regions of Ukraine...
Sam Hawley: Mm-hm.
Matthew Sussex: ..which are Donetsk, Luhansk in the east, often referred to as the Donbas, and also the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions in the south. In addition to, of course, what he already has in Crimea. And because he was so ambitious in thinking that the war would end soon, he actually wrote in, he's had it written into Russian law, that those places are part of Russia, and that is Russian territory. But, of course, the slow progress of his military means that he can't occupy or doesn't occupy those territories. In fact, of those four, he only fully occupies one. And so what he's asking for now, demanding, is that the Ukrainians cede Donetsk Oblast, which is a huge amount of territory, and would force them to give up some really vital fortified cities and defence lines, which the Russians have been trying for three and a half years to crack and can't. So here, you know, Putin is basically trying to turn Ukraine into a rump state.
Sam Hawley: And while all these diplomatic discussions are going on, then, Matt, what's actually happening on the battlefield? Is Russia pushing ahead? Is it gaining ground at this point?
Matthew Sussex: Look, it is extremely slowly. The Russians launched a massive push about a week ago to try and grab territory around the town of Pokrovsk, and in doing that, tried to fracture the Ukrainian lines. But the Ukrainians, to their credit again, have managed to cut that off and are now pushing the Russians back again. So it is still ultimately, even though there is very, very fierce fighting, it's still ultimately in terms of where the battle lines start and stop, pretty much a stalemate.
Sam Hawley: Well, Matt, another thing, of course, that Vladimir Putin wants is a change in leadership in Ukraine. He needs a leader there that supports Russia.
Matthew Sussex: Well, he can ask for it, but it's ultimately up to the Ukrainians to decide who their leaders are. I mean, Volodymyr Zelenskyy is still pretty popular as a leader, and there's certainly war weariness in Ukraine, but there's an equal number of people who would be aghast if Zelenskyy agreed to Russia's demands, let alone step down. And so I think, you know, the Russians have tried for many years to have Kremlin-friendly leaders. If there is an end to this conflict, you will see, and Zelensky remains in place, you'll see huge efforts by the Russians to undertake all sorts of political warfare tactics, information operations, to ensure a change of government in Kiev.
Sam Hawley: All right, well, let's look now, Matt, at how Putin is dealing with Donald Trump, playing him, if you like. At this point, Donald Trump has done quite a lot for Putin, hasn't he? Including now giving up on a threat of further sanctions.
Matthew Sussex: Yeah, absolutely. Trump has done an enormous amount of favours for Vladimir Putin, and it really does seem at this point that he is more concerned with friendly relations with the Kremlin than he is really achieving, you know, a fair and lasting peace in Ukraine. He's had numerous opportunities to put pressure on Russia and hasn't, and ultimately he's now indicating that he's backing, effectively, the Russian peace proposal, which is a huge break in terms of his relations with European allies, which, you know, the rest of NATO thinks that this is absolutely abhorrent. And so here Putin is sort of, I think, engineered, for whatever reason, a situation where the White House sees the future of its sort of great power relationships as being very much focused on a good alignment with Russia, which is something, of course, that previously has been absolutely unthinkable and which, you know, large numbers of Trump's own party, the Republicans, don't like either. But, of course, given Trump's dominance of the Republican base as well as Senate and Congress, it means that their voices are very much muted.
Sam Hawley: Mm, and the question always is, though, Matt, isn't it, why, why is Trump treating Vladimir Putin in this way? As you say, he's a war criminal. There are occasionally suggestions that, of course, Putin might have something on Trump that we don't know about because people just can't understand why this is happening in this way.
Matthew Sussex: Yeah, look, I mean, we're unlikely to know anytime soon, if that's the case, but certainly even if you go by the official rationale for reengaging with Russia, it's about trying to split Moscow away from Beijing, which, quite frankly, is an absolute fantasy. The idea that Putin, who has had dozens and dozens of one-on-one meetings with Xi Jinping, who has a no-limits partnership with China and who shares Xi Jinping's view that the West is basically in the dustbin of history, the thought that he would actually pivot to be a friend of the United States, I think is just absolute fabulism. But nonetheless, it's something that Trump has decided that he wants to pursue. And that means, of course, that everybody else, whether it's the Ukrainians or particularly the Europeans, they need to respond accordingly and view the United States as perhaps now more of a friend to Russia and Vladimir Putin than it is to European security interests.
Sam Hawley: What do you think? What will Trump's next move be? Putin has suggested, of course, that they could meet in Moscow.
Matthew Sussex: Yeah, he has. And Trump, to his credit, said, So I think I'd cop a little bit of flack for that.
Donald Trump, US President: Thank you very much, Vladimir.
Vladimir Putin, Russian President: And next time in Moscow.
Donald Trump, US President: Ooh, that's an interesting one. I'll get a little heat on that one, but I could see it possibly happening. Thank you very much, Vladimir. And thank you all. Thank you. Thank you.
Sam Hawley: Do you think he can be convinced that the path he's going down right now is the wrong one, that he needs to come in and back Ukraine?
Matthew Sussex: Look, you know, I'd like to think that that might be the case, but I'm just not sure that there's going to be enough domestic pressure on him to bring that about. I think you judge countries by what they do, not what they say. And, you know, Trump has not put a single direct extra sanction on Russia since he's taken office. He's walked back now even the secondary sanctions on countries like India. And he just seems, for whatever reason, to be absolutely reluctant to do anything to get Putin to change his behaviour.
Sam Hawley: Matthew Sussex is from the Centre for European Studies at the Australian National University. This episode was produced by Cinnamon Nippard and Sydney Pead. Audio production by Sam Dunn.Our supervising producer is David Coady. I’m Sam Hawley. To get in touch with the team, email us on abcnewsdaily@abc.net.au. Thanks for listening.
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Still no ambassador, still no red carpet: Albanese-Trump meeting still far away despite US President's 'bear hug' with adversary-turned-cooperator Vladimir Putin
Still no ambassador, still no red carpet: Albanese-Trump meeting still far away despite US President's 'bear hug' with adversary-turned-cooperator Vladimir Putin

Sky News AU

time26 minutes ago

  • Sky News AU

Still no ambassador, still no red carpet: Albanese-Trump meeting still far away despite US President's 'bear hug' with adversary-turned-cooperator Vladimir Putin

The shockwaves from the historic meeting between the US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin are continuing to reverberate throughout the West world and beyond. Many analysts and lip-readers – seemingly a new craze in today's media landscape – are reading too much into the body language between the two leaders. Basic observations, from the red carpet to the display of US air power and the pair's ride in the armoured presidential limousine known as 'The Beast', have passed for hard-hitting geopolitical analysis. Amid all this, there are some core take away points which need to be revisited. Despite the warm and welcoming atmosphere, the Alaska 2025 meeting was not an easy endeavour. The initially declared six to seven hours of combined talks were cut down to under three hours. The scheduled business lunch was cancelled. Still, it was a breakthrough, certainly for Putin. For Europe and Ukraine, the meeting felt more like a bear hug. Here is why. The lucky seven for Putin? The Trump-Putin meeting in Alaska was their seventh face-to-face get together as presidents. It might end up being the most memorable of all. First, and perhaps most importantly, the outcome of the Alaska bilateral was the reduced risk (at least for now) of an open confrontation between the two nuclear superpowers over the proxy conflict in Ukraine. The warm pragmatic atmosphere embraced by the US and Russian delegations (members of which were clearly cherry-picked by both presidents, also to avoid any potential mishaps) demonstrated the will to work through major strategic issues, including on the urgent matter of strategic nuclear weapons control. It is a major win for Trump who – like Putin - takes the risk of nuclear confrontation more seriously than many believe he does. Second, it was a symbolic recognition of Russia as a top tier power. In his interview with Fox News' Sean Hannity, Trump underlined the importance of engaging with Russia as a major power: 'It's good when two big powers get along, especially when they're nuclear powers,' he said. 'We're number one, they're number two in the world. And it's a big deal. That's a big deal.' Indeed, this is a big deal for Putin, less with respect to how Europe and Ukraine will look at him and Moscow now, and more about how this recognition would be perceived by major players of the Global South, among them China, India and Brazil. In the same interview Trump also recognised risks of Russia-China strategic reproachment, for which he blamed Barak Obama, but more Joe Biden. 'Biden did something really unthinkable…. he drove China and Russia together. That's not good,' he said. But Trump's assumption that Russia and China are inherently rivals, and that friction between the two can therefore be achieved, may prove to be too optimistic. The mutual mistrust in Russia-West relations and the deepening interdependence of Russia-China strategic ties are too strong to be shaken by personal chemistry between Trump and Putin and promises of economic and trade concessions. Prior to flying to Alaska, Putin held a phone conversation with Xi, potentially to brief him on what the Russians were planning to discuss with US counterparts. It is also worth noting that at the time of the Alaska summit, the Russian and Chinese navies were taking part in yet another joint maritime patrol in the north-western Pacific, another indication that neither power were ready to ease off on their deepening alliance. And let's not forget the relationship between Russia and the DPRK. Third, it seems that Putin convinced Trump as to the credibility of Russia's narrative on Ukraine, also by insisting not on a temporary ceasefire, which Kyiv is aggressively pursuing, but on a permanent peace settlement with a long-lasting effect. This is another win for Putin, even though he may need to show compromise along the way. It's now up to Trump to convince America's European allies and Ukrainian President Volodimir Zelensky to agree to a deal that was reportedly floated by Russia in Anchorage. Alternatively, the Russians will press on with their offensive and Europe risks being left to sort out the unwinnable war in Ukraine by itself. The meeting in Alaska was another example of Trump's traditionalist approach to prioritising business with powers of similar strategic weight to America, while other players must wait their turn, or until they are called in. Regrettably, Australia under Anthony Albanese is no exception, despite our time-proven standing as America's trusted ally in the Indo-Pacific. No red carpet for Albanese That certainly appears to be the case, in the land far far away. As a start, the White House has not appointed its new ambassador to Australia, an awkward repeat of the 2017 situation during Trump's 45th Presidency. Apparently, the government's decision to recognise Palestine did not go down well in Washington, which was communicated by the US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee. 'There is an enormous level of disappointment, and some disgust,' he told ABC's 7.30 report on Thursday. Trump could still extend a bear hug to the PM, as strategic cooperation, including on AUKUS Pillar II, sits on the backburner. Bear in mind the Trump administration is still yet to release the results of a wide-reaching review into the tripartite security agreement. Albanese got to walk on the red carpet, at least in China, during his second official visit last month. A third visit can surely be arranged if the man from Marrickville is in dire need of some more political stardust. Beijing won't mind, I suspect. Oh wait. Putin will get one first when he visits Beijing in early September as the guest of honour to join Chinese grand festivities marking the 80th anniversary of the end of the war in the Pacific. Once again, we'll have to wait for our turn on the red carpet. Dr. Alexey Muraviev is Associate Professor of National Security and Strategic Studies at Curtin University, Perth, Western Australia.

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