logo
Japan Tries to Catch up with China in Tug-of-War over Copper, Cobalt, Other Important Minerals in Africa

Japan Tries to Catch up with China in Tug-of-War over Copper, Cobalt, Other Important Minerals in Africa

Yomiuri Shimbun15 hours ago
KOLWEZI, Democratic Republic of the Congo — Japan has fallen behind in the race to form cooperative ties with African countries for access to their mineral resources, and the country is now trying to make up lost ground, as the mineral-rich continent is becoming increasingly important for Japan's economic security.
China, in contrast, has gained control over many African supply chains of key minerals essential for advanced technologies and for which demand has been rapidly increasing.
The Japanese government aimed to strengthen ties with African nations by holding the Ninth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD 9) in Yokohama from Wednesday to Friday.
Copperbelt
In Kolwezi in the south of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kabanda Ilunga, 45, crumbled soil on the ground beside a paved road. From the pile that formed, he picked up a bean-sized piece of copper ore.
'High grade [copper] is 35,000 [Congolese] francs (about ¥1,780) per kilo,' he said. '[Chinese people] buy all of [it].'
Kolwezi is located at the center of the Copperbelt, one of the largest copper deposits in the world, which extends from the south of the DRC to the north of neighboring Zambia.
In addition to copper, the area also contains a large amount of cobalt, which is used in electric vehicle and smartphone manufacturing.
Chinese buyers even have a dominant presence in transactions involving minerals mined by private individuals on lands beyond those owned by mining companies.
European countries, which once colonized Africa, and the United States had had strong ties with countries on the continent for many years. However, in the wake of the Cold War, the international community largely moved its focus away from Africa, and Western investment in the continent stagnated due mainly to human rights concerns and bribery. Japanese companies are also deeply cautious about investing in African countries.
China, on the other hand, has made huge investments in roads, electric power plants and other infrastructure since the 2000s, aiming to secure natural resources and foster friendly public opinion toward China.
Competition intensifying
According to a report by International Energy Agency this year, copper production in Africa accounts for 17% of the global total, while its cobalt production accounts for about 70% and its lithium production 11%.
Demand for cobalt and lithium is predicted to continue its rapid growth, increasing 6.4-fold and 12.8-fold respectively in 2040 from 2020 levels.
Investment in mining industries in regions from the Middle East to Africa is on the rise, and competition for minerals has never been fiercer.
Chinese companies have the largest interest in mines in the DRC, which account for 67% of the total volume of global cobalt production. China smelts cobalt imported from the DRC and exports the resulting product, for which it holds a 78% share of the global market.
As a result, industrialized countries have deepened their reliance on China for important minerals, including rare earths.The United States and the European Union in 2023 signed a memorandum with three African countries, including the DRC, on a plan to build the Lobito Corridor — a railway line connecting the Copperbelt to a port on the Atlantic Ocean — to secure export routes.
A total of $4 billion (about ¥590 billion) will be invested in the project, which will refurbish and extend a deteriorated railway. The plan aims to make transit more convenient in the mining field to facilitate a flow of people and goods.
To compete with the project, China unveiled its own plan last year to invest about $1 billion to build a railway line connecting the Copperbelt to the Indian Ocean.
Nevertheless, China's investments into African countries have been on the decline since their peak in 2016.
Some African countries are reviewing their relationships with the Asian country due to ballooning debts. One of them is Zambia, where fewer Chinese companies are doing business than in the DRC. Zambia's administration is trying to diversify its partners through diplomacy involving its natural resources.
Japan plans to build its own trade route, dubbed the Nacala Corridor, connecting the Copperbelt in Zambia with Mozambique via Malawi. The route will extend to the east coast of Africa, with the aim of connecting the Copperbelt to the Indian Ocean.
Currently, the main trade routes in Africa primarily go through South Africa, but Japan aims to encourage the export of copper and cobalt through the new route with an eye to streamline shipping to India, where Japanese companies have production bases.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Tokyo stocks fall for 3rd day as chip shares sold after recent rises
Tokyo stocks fall for 3rd day as chip shares sold after recent rises

The Mainichi

time2 hours ago

  • The Mainichi

Tokyo stocks fall for 3rd day as chip shares sold after recent rises

TOKYO (Kyodo) -- Tokyo stocks fell for a third straight day on Thursday as investors continued to sell semiconductor-related shares after recent gains. The 225-issue Nikkei Stock Average fell 278.38 points, or 0.65 percent, from Wednesday at 42,610.17. The broader Topix index finished 15.96 points, or 0.52 percent, lower at 3,082.95. On the top-tier Prime Market, notable decliners were pharmaceutical, transportation equipment and land transportation issues. The U.S. dollar traded mostly in the lower 147 yen range in Tokyo as investors stayed on the sidelines ahead of a speech by Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell at the Jackson Hole economic symposium in Wyoming on Friday, dealers said. At 5 p.m., the dollar fetched 147.58-59 yen compared with 147.28-38 yen in New York and 147.62-64 yen in Tokyo at 5 p.m. Wednesday. The euro was quoted at $1.1657-1659 and 172.04-08 yen against $1.1644-1654 and 171.66-76 yen in New York and $1.1644-1646 and 171.90-94 yen in Tokyo late Wednesday afternoon. The yield on the benchmark 10-year Japanese government bond briefly rose to 1.610 percent, its highest level since October 2008, on the back of stronger expectations for a Bank of Japan rate hike. It ended at 1.605 percent, unchanged from Wednesday's close. The Nikkei stock index mostly remained in the negative territory, with investors continuing to lock in gains amid lingering concerns about overheating. Some heavyweight chip issues also tracked an overnight fall by the tech-heavy U.S. Nasdaq index. Investors were also awaiting Powell's symposium speech to gauge whether there is any change in his stance on the Fed's monetary policy outlook, brokers said. "Market players are paying attention to see whether he will signal a rate cut in September based on the U.S. employment and inflation data released earlier this month," said Masahiro Ichikawa, chief market strategist at Sumitomo Mitsui DS Asset Management Co.

The Quad's Role Amid China-US Tech Competition
The Quad's Role Amid China-US Tech Competition

The Diplomat

time5 hours ago

  • The Diplomat

The Quad's Role Amid China-US Tech Competition

The global implications of the China-U.S. tech rivalry have raised the imperatives for Quad cooperation on AI and semiconductors. From left, Japanese Foreign Minister Iwaya Takeshi , Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar, Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong, and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio meet at the Department of State in Washington, D.C., July 1, 2025. In July 2025, the Quad Foreign Ministers' Meeting concluded with announcements on strengthening maritime and transnational security, economic security, cooperation on critical and emerging technologies, and humanitarian assistance across the Indo-Pacific region. A significant takeaway of the convening was the launch of the Quad Critical Minerals Initiative to strengthen cooperation on securing and diversifying critical mineral supply chains. The joint statement by the foreign ministers of Australia, India, Japan, and the United States underscored concerns over 'abrupt constriction and future reliability of key supply chains, specifically for critical minerals.' They raised concerns about dependence on 'any one country for processing and refining critical minerals and derivative goods production,' which may lead to 'economic coercion, price manipulation, and supply chain disruptions.' This development came amid global manufacturers raising alarms over China's April 2025 decision to mandate licenses for export of rare earth alloys, mixtures, and magnets. China's action followed its trade tensions with the U.S. – at the time, the Trump administration had mandated export licenses for a wider range of chips used in artificial intelligence (AI) applications and limited China's access to chip-designing software. Amid China's bilateral trade and tech tensions with the United States, its decision to restrict rare earth exports impacted global supply chains and manufacturing (unlike China's December 2024 export ban on gallium, germanium, and antimony for the U.S. alone). In addition, the move highlighted Beijing's willingness to leverage its dominance in production and refining of critical minerals. Such instances of the China-U.S. tech rivalry resulting in implications for the world have raised the imperatives for deeper tech cooperation among Quad members. The first Trump administration (2017-21) used export controls to limit the flow of tech components to China, barred the use of federal funds to purchase Chinese tech equipment, and indicted Chinese tech companies for espionage activities. While the Trump administration used these measures against China's 5G equipment, the U.S. under President Joe Biden expanded the scope to also include other technologies. Under its 'small yard and high fence' policy, the Biden administration (2021-2025) employed the Trump playbook and hailed export controls as 'a new strategic asset in the U.S. and allied toolkit.' As a result, the Biden administration surpassed the Trump administration's tally of Chinese companies added to the U.S. Commerce Department's 'Entity List.' Moreover, the Biden administration expanded the scope of restricted technologies to include semiconductors and also addressed Chinese 'overcapacity' in clean energy tech (including solar cells and batteries). The current Trump administration (2025-present) has followed through on the Biden administration's tariffs on Chinese semiconductors (starting January 2025) and the December 2024 Section 301 probe into Chinese semiconductors used in American consumer products. Moreover, with DeepSeek highlighting China's advances in the AI domain, the Trump administration built on Biden's 2022 and 2023 restrictions on export of AI-relevant chips to China. This included the April 2025 action on mandating export licenses for less-powerful variants of AI-relevant chips (which the Biden administration backed down from acting against) and the May 2025 restrictions on China's access to chip-designing software. The China-U.S. tech rivalry, now well into its ninth year, has had global implications. Recently, Malaysia began mandating permits for export of U.S.-origin AI-relevant chips to clamp down against transshipment of components to China. Similarly, Singapore has cracked down on individuals allegedly involved in routing of Nvidia's chips to China's DeepSeek. The Trump administration has also continued pursuing the Biden-era goal of seeking compliance from Japanese and Dutch companies on curbing China's access to semiconductor equipment. In addition, the Trump administration's decision to rescind the Biden-era 'AI Diffusion Rule' has led to a scramble from nations seeking AI-relevant chips. The Biden-era rule had defined limits on export of semiconductors for nations categorized into three tiers. The Trump administration's decision to not adopt this framework has led to a country-by-country approach, which was on display during Trump's visit to the Gulf in May 2025. While hosting Trump, Saudi Arabia and the UAE finalized one-on-one agreements on access to American AI-relevant chips and partnerships with U.S. tech companies on AI infrastructure. Ahead of the Quad Summit in India later this year, there is immense scope for further refining AI cooperation among Quad nations. This may include a deeper focus on AI through research partnerships, cross-pollination between incubators, exploring joint workforce development programs, etc. Beyond research partnerships and institutional linkages, these steps can overtime develop bridges between Australian, Indian, Japanese, and American tech ecosystems on the mobilization of talent. Given the recent developments on the China-U.S. tech rivalry, Quad nations may explore a 'Joint AI Readiness Assessment' to determine areas of relative strength and areas of cooperation. This can be along the lines of the bilateral assessment on semiconductors announced by the U.S. Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA) and India Electronics Semiconductor Association (IESA) under the India-U.S. initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET). Such an assessment may also draw from the Memorandum of Cooperation for the Semiconductor Supply Chains Contingency Network, which was finalized during the Quad Leaders' Summit in September 2024. Similarly, at the Quad Leaders' Summit in May 2023, the Quad nations finalized the Quad International Standards Cooperation Network and the Quad Principles on Critical and Emerging Technology Standards. This effort to synergize standards across the tech ecosystems of Australia, India, Japan, and the United States may now also consider a similar undertaking on operational matters. This may include sharing of best practices on regulatory compliance mapping, upkeep of databases on licensing records, investment screening mechanisms, etc. This can also be a focus area under the Track 1.5 dialogues on AI and Advanced Communications Technologies, which were announced by the Quad in 2024. Finally, the Quad nations have rightly committed to harnessing AI to empower farmers under the Advancing Innovations for Empowering NextGen Agriculture (AI-ENGAGE) initiative. This initiative exploring AI's applications at the ground level now also requires institutional heft, in terms of cooperation agreements between agri-tech companies, universities, research centers, etc. This may require financing from existing efforts like the Quad Fellowship's expanding donor base or the Quad Investors Network (QUIN), which was launched at the 2023 Quad Leaders' Summit. Given the initiative's aim to use AI for developmental needs, AI-ENGAGE can assume a central role in Quad tech cooperation, even as the China-U.S. tech rivalry raises regulatory and compliance-related challenges across the world.

Trump's Tactical Concessions on Taiwan Are Not Strategic Retreats
Trump's Tactical Concessions on Taiwan Are Not Strategic Retreats

The Diplomat

time5 hours ago

  • The Diplomat

Trump's Tactical Concessions on Taiwan Are Not Strategic Retreats

The Trump administration's recent decisions to quietly sideline two high-profile visits by Taiwanese leaders have raised concerns in both Washington and Taipei, raising doubts about the U.S. commitment to Taiwan. But these moves – postponing President Lai Ching-te's New York stopover and canceling a meeting between Taiwan's defense minister, Wellington Koo, and U.S. officials – are more likely about short-term trade diplomacy. History has shown that it may be too early to assume that Trump's concessions on Taiwan represent a fundamental, long-term shift in U.S. policy. First of all, the timing matters. In mid-July, as reports surfaced of Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te's planned stopover in New York, Beijing immediately voiced its protests – a common practice. Meanwhile, U.S. and Chinese officials were preparing for a round of trade talks in Stockholm. This marked the third round of negotiations, following the June talks in London that attempted to repair the short-lived agreement reached in Geneva in May. As a result of these successive negotiations, tariffs that had soared into triple digits were now trimmed, Washington eased export restrictions on Nvidia's H20 AI chips, and Beijing resumed rare-earth shipments to the United States. In the context of this tentative détente, the White House advised Lai to postpone the stopover in New York and quietly hold off on Taiwanese Defense Minister Wellington Koo's visit to Washington D.C. By demonstrating symbolic restraint, the Trump administration appeared to be signaling a willingness to create a more conducive atmosphere for a potential summit between U.S. President Donald Trump and China's President Xi Jinping. This is not the first time Trump has leveraged the Taiwan issue in an attempt to de-escalate tensions during trade talks. In 2019, the Trump administration delayed a long-anticipated fighter jet sale to Taipei – an action widely interpreted at the time as an effort to improve prospects for a trade deal with China. However, that overture collapsed a month later when the administration raised tariffs from 10 percent to 25 percent on $200 billion of Chinese goods after futile talks between Washington and Beijing. By the end of his first term, Trump had approved more arms sales to Taiwan by value than any of his predecessors since 1990. This precedent suggests that the latest moves by the Trump team are more likely short-term tactical adjustments rather than indicators of a long-term recalibration of U.S. policy toward Taiwan. As in his first term, for Trump flexibility on Taiwan remains a bargaining instrument that can be dialed up or down depending on the state of negotiations. Moreover, given both Trump's own unpredictability and the fact that bilateral trade talks are still in flux, these gestures are unlikely to signal a lasting shift – and could easily be reversed. Moreover, Trump has largely adhered to the long-standing U.S. policy of 'strategic ambiguity' regarding Taiwan. Asked in February whether the United States would defend the island, he demurred: 'I never comment on that.' Even before taking office, Trump framed his response similarly, emphasizing flexibility: 'I never say… I have to negotiate things, right?' Those non-answers are in fact in line with U.S. practices in the past four decades: keep options open and refuse to pre-commit to any specific response to a military move by Beijing against Taiwan. While Trump himself keeps the message deliberately vague, his senior Cabinet officials have at times drawn a clearer line of deterrence. In a July interview, Secretary of State Marco Rubio stated: 'We remain as committed as ever to our partners… in places like Taiwan.' And at the Shangri-La Dialogue in May, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth warned bluntly about the Chinese military's threat to Taiwan and the need to accelerate preparations. Actions may speak louder than words. In June, senior Taiwanese officers were invited as observers to learn from a U.S.-led multilateral air exercise in Alaska, showcasing continued U.S. security assistance to Taiwan. In February and April, the Trump administration sent U.S. naval ships to the Taiwan Strait – a routine practice demonstrating U.S. deterrence and reassurance toward Beijing and Taipei, respectively. The Trump administration has also pressed to accelerate deliveries and clear the years-long backlog of approved arms for Taiwan. Nor is the White House the only actor that matters in shaping U.S. policy toward Taiwan. Members of Congress have long set guardrails, which are grounded in the Taiwan Relations Act, to uphold U.S. commitments to the island. Lee Teng-hui's 1994-95 saga is the textbook example of congressional influence. When the Clinton administration allowed Lee only a refueling stop in Honolulu, lawmakers bristled and exercised their legislative authority to compel the State Department to relax transit rules. Similarly, in 1995, when the White House tried to head off Lee's 'private' visit to Cornell, Congress passed 53 by lopsided margins urging approval. Faced with near-consensus, President Bill Clinton reversed course yet again. Congressional support endures and has intensified in recent years. From 2017 to 2023, lawmakers introduced 124 Taiwan-related bills, double the number introduced in the prior eight years. Congressional delegations show the same trend: while trips to Beijing outnumbered visits to Taipei before 2020, the flow has reversed since then. Although Republicans have refrained from criticizing Trump's recent moves sidelining Taiwan, their silence has not precluded the upcoming congressional delegation to Taipei led by Sen. Roger Wicker (R-MS), chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee and a longtime advocate for Taiwan. In short, the Trump team's decisions to postpone Lai's New York transit and reschedule Koo's visit are likely tactical steps to protect a fragile trade track, instead of a strategic retreat on Taiwan. The administration's past actions suggest these gestures may be reversible, particularly if trade talks stall, and Trump's public statements continue to align with the doctrine of strategic ambiguity. Meanwhile, continuity in Taiwan-U.S. military cooperation and congressional support remain key sources of assurance and deterrence in the Taiwan Strait.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store