NOPD searching for burglary suspects who stole refrigerator
NEW ORLEANS (WGNO) — The New Orleans Police Department is trying to identify and arrest a pair of suspects who are accused of breaking into a Mid-City home and stealing a refrigerator. The case is the latest one to roll on the Wheel of Justice.
According to police, the crime happened a little after 3:00 in the morning on February 12 at a home in the 600 block of David Street. Police also released security camera footage that shows much of what happened.
NOPD: Man with machete robs Mid-City Subway
In the video, a pickup truck is seen backing up the driveway to the raised porch of a home. Moments later, the video shows the suspects loading a refrigerator into the truck's bed and driving away.
To see the footage as well as other refrigerator thefts that we've reported, watch the video at the top of this story. If you have information that could help police identify or locate the suspects, call CrimeStoppers at 504-822-1111. Remember, you don't have to reveal your name or testify in court, and you could be eligible to earn a cash reward.
NOPD searching for burglary suspect and stolen suitcase
So far, more than 475 people have landed behind bars after their cases rolled on the Wheel of Justice.NOPD searching for burglary suspects who stole refrigerator
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Atlantic
an hour ago
- Atlantic
12 Days in Trump's America
This is an edition of The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here. Here's a fact that might surprise you: Only 12 days have passed since the catastrophic meltdown of the relationship between Elon Musk and Donald Trump—since the ousted Dogefather attempted to kill the president's signature legislation, endorsed his impeachment, and claimed that Trump appeared in the 'Epstein files.' That weird day of rubbernecking, alternatively terrifying and transfixing, was just June 5, but it feels like forever ago to me—largely because so much news has occurred since then. So much is happening that even Musk's attempted rapprochement with Trump, customized hat in hand, barely made a ripple. Let's review the tape. The next day, ICE officers began conducting raids in Los Angeles. As word of the raids spread, demonstrators filled the streets of Los Angeles to protest and confront federal agents. That evening, an important moment occurred in another immigration-related story: The executive branch announced both that Kilmar Abrego Garcia, whom it had said would never return to the United States, was back on American soil, and that he was being charged with human smuggling. (He has pleaded not guilty.) The following day, June 7, protests became tenser in Los Angeles, and Trump federalized the California National Guard over the objections of Governor Gavin Newsom, and despite local law-enforcement leaders saying it was unnecessary. As my colleague Tom Nichols wrote, that appeared to be a direct attempt to provoke unrest—and, as my colleague David Frum added, a way for the president to test how he could use emergency powers to seize control. These attempts to flex power also have the effect of encouraging more protest, though. Heavy-handed methods to suppress dissent are unpopular with many Americans. By the following weekend, the backlash would be very apparent. On Monday, June 9, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the secretary of Health and Human Services, announced that he was firing all 17 members of the CDC panel that guides federal vaccine recommendations—despite having previously promised a senator he wouldn't meddle with the committee. Kennedy's replacement members include multiple vaccine skeptics, as my colleague Nicholas Florko reported. In the evening, the Trump administration took another step toward domestic militarization in Los Angeles when the administration announced that it would send hundreds of Marines to the city. Tuesday, June 10, was a busy day. Trump traveled to Fort Bragg in North Carolina, where he delivered a nakedly political speech before soldiers who jeered at Democrats, including former President Joe Biden. A later report indicated that soldiers who attended had been screened for their politics. Trump also announced that he would revert the names of several bases that had previously honored Confederate officers—though the Pentagon insists, unconvincingly, that the names actually honor other veterans with the same surnames. Elsewhere, Interim U.S. Attorney for New Jersey Alina Habba, Trump's former personal lawyer, announced a dubious indictment against a Democratic member of Congress, and The New York Times reported that the EPA plans to drastically reduce limits on emissions of poisonous mercury. On Wednesday, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth testified before a Senate subcommittee, where he refused to answer questions about the planned acquisition of a 747 from Qatar and was unable to answer ones about the legal authority under which Marines were going to L.A. That evening, Trump attended a performance of Les Misérables at the Kennedy Center, following his hostile takeover of the D.C. performing-arts venue. Vice President J. D. Vance had no idea what the plot was, and although the president claims to love the musical, he doesn't get it. Attendees booed him. On Thursday, the Congressional Budget Office published estimates finding that the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (yes, it's really called that) would impoverish the poorest Americans while making the richest ones richer. That afternoon, U.S. Senator Alex Padilla, a California Democrat, was tackled and handcuffed when he interrupted a press conference by Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem. DHS claimed that Padilla hadn't identified himself, a statement easily debunked by video. A federal judge found Trump's federalization of the National Guard unlawful, though an appeals court has stayed the decision for now. That night, Washington time, Israel began strikes on Iran, targeting Iran's nuclear program and defense leaders. As The Atlantic reported, Trump tried and failed to pressure Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu out of the strikes, but once they'd begun, Trump embraced them. Meanwhile, his appointees at Voice of America 's parent agency suddenly realized that maybe this would be a good time to be able to communicate with Iranians and hurriedly recalled Farsi-language staffers who'd been placed on leave. The next day was Friday the 13th. Ironically, the day proved quiet. On Saturday, however, chaos returned. The day began with news of an alleged assassin killing a Minnesota state lawmaker and her husband, and injuring another and his wife. Although the man's motivations have not yet been fully explained, the attacks are the latest in a string of incidents of political violence during the Trump era. One major factor is that the president has repeatedly and directly urged violence against his political adversaries, as Brian Klaas wrote. Republican members of Congress rushed to baselessly insist the shooter was a leftist. Saturday was also Trump's birthday and the day chosen (supposedly coincidentally) for a big military parade in Washington, D.C. The parade was sparsely attended. Far more popular were the protests against Trump in cities across the country, which observers estimated saw attendance in the millions. That would make them some of the largest protests in American history. These enormous demonstrations against Trump were closely connected to what occurred in the days before. This kind of chaos wears on people. Whenever Trump does something provocative, such as the Los Angeles escalation, during the middle of an already negative news cycle, some pundits are quick to label it an attempt at distraction. Perhaps that's the goal, consciously or not, but it's not politically effective, and a big reason is that the distraction is almost always politically damaging. If you shift public attention from one unpopular thing to another, you're not gaining anything. And a growing pile of data shows that Trump's actions in Los Angeles are unpopular, just as he is personally unpopular; the One Big Beautiful Bill is unpopular; and Americans disapprove of his handling of most issues. A stretch of news like this is no longer unprecedented. During his first term in office, Trump had several of these disastrous runs of jaw-dropping news. Voters hated it. His approval rating cratered early and never recovered. Republicans lost big in the 2018 midterm elections; Trump lost in 2020; and the GOP underperformed in 2022, all of which pointed to the existence of an anti-MAGA majority in the electorate. Trump was able to win in 2024 only after four years out of office, and with the help of serious inflation and a faltering, denialist incumbent. Trump's ambitions and the danger he poses may have expanded in his second term, but in many ways he's the same old Trump—and voters still don't like it. The tyrant test Putin isn't actually enjoying this. Alexandra Petri: 'My super-special 79th was not super special.' After a 43-hour manhunt, the suspect accused of killing a Minnesota lawmaker and her husband and wounding a state senator and his wife was apprehended yesterday and appeared in federal court this afternoon. Israeli strikes hit the headquarters of Iran's state broadcaster in the middle of a broadcast. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu refused to rule out targeting Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Authorities said yesterday that a man believed to be part of a peacekeeping team shot and killed a bystander at a 'No Kings' protest in Salt Lake City on Saturday. The bystander was near a man who was also shot after brandishing a rifle at the protest, according to officials. Dispatches Evening Read Yes I Will Read Ulysses Yes By Eric Bulson When Richard Ellmann's James Joyce hit the shelves in 1959, the sheer size of the book (842 pages, 100 longer than Ulysses) was as dazzling as the degree of detail. Joyce, who had been dead for 18 years, vividly inhabited its chapters, getting drunk, going blind, spending money, spiting enemies, cogitating, and, of course, creating a series of works that immediately made literary history. Moving briskly across the first half of the 20th century (not just a single day in Dublin), Ellmann spun a tale about the formation of a writer whose name could be mentioned in the same breath as Homer's without irony … You also need charm, lots of it, to make a biography like James Joyce happen. More From The Atlantic Lie to me. Jason Anthony reports on the world's hardest bluffing game. Listen. Miley Cyrus and Addison Rae are taking their music very seriously, with different results, Spencer Kornhaber writes. Play our daily crossword. P.S. William Langewiesche, a member of the pantheon of Atlantic greats, died yesterday at just 70 years old. The New York Times called him ' the Steve McQueen of journalism.' He wrote for the magazine for many years, and his last article here, from 2019, was a definitive exploration of the disappearance of Malaysia Airlines Flight 370. Langewiesche was a second-generation pilot and second-generation author—his father, Wolfgang, wrote the canonical flying manual Stick and Rudder —and many of his most notable works were careful dissections of aircraft-related disasters, as well as other catastrophes. My personal favorites are probably ' A Sea Story,' about a 1994 ferry sinking in the Baltic Sea, and ' The Human Factor,' a Vanity Fair essay about the crash of Air France Flight 447. Beware before clicking, though: Once you start reading a Langewiesche piece, you're unlikely to be able to stop. — David
WIRED
3 hours ago
- WIRED
‘Psyop': How Far-Right Conspiracy Theories About the Minnesota Shooting Evolved to Protect MAGA
Jun 16, 2025 3:54 PM Influencers like Alex Jones and Elon Musk have spent the weekend blaming the murder of Democratic lawmaker Melissa Hortman on leftists and the deep state. Bullet holes are seen in the front door of the home of DFL State Sen. John Hoffman on June 15, 2025 in Champlin, Minnesota. Photograph:In the hours after Vance Boelter was named as the suspect in the fatal shooting of Melissa Hortman, a Democratic Minnesota state representative, and her husband Mark Hortman, far-right conspiracists and Republican influencers claimed he was a violent, leftist Democrat. 'The far left is murderously violent,' Elon Musk wrote on X on Saturday, a post that remains on the site and has been viewed over 50 million times. When the facts of the story emerged—that the alleged shooter had been registered in other states as a Republican, was said to have voted for President Donald Trump and, as WIRED reported, had participated in an evangelical ministry where he preached against abortion and demonized the LGTBQ community—the conspiracy theories didn't stop. Instead, they just changed. Posters then claimed the incident was a false flag conducted by the shadowy deep state, while trying to distance the shooter from any connection to the president and the wider MAGA movement. For years in the wake of mass shootings or politically-motivated violence, the far-right has sought to portray the perpetrators as leftists, members of antifa, part of the LGBTQ community, or connected in some way to the Democratic party, despite all evidence showing that the extremist violence is usually conducted by far-right actors. On Saturday, as the manhunt for the alleged shooter was underway, conservatives claimed almost immediately that the suspect was linked in some way to Minnesota governor Tim Walz and that the shooting was part of a grand conspiracy to target a Democrat who had recently voted with Republicans in the Minnesota legislature. The alleged shooter was reappointed to a Workforce Development Board by Walz in 2019. But there is no evidence to suggest a closer link between the pair. This did not stop the term 'Walz appointee' from trending on X on Saturday, with right-wing influencers declaring confidently that the alleged shooter was a Democrat. 'Did Walz have her executed?' right-wing commentator Mike Cernovich wrote on X, quoting a post from a well-known conspiracy theory account that highlighted Hortman had voted with Republicans. YouTuber Benny Johnson, who has almost 5 million followers on the video-sharing site and more than 3 million followers on X, positioned the shooting as part of a growing trend of left-wing violence in a long screed on X that described the alleged shooter as 'a left-wing Tim Walz appointee.' 'Everyone talks about Minnesota, but they don't talk about the guy seems to be a leftist,' Donald Trump Jr. said in an an interview with News Nation. 'The guy who committed those atrocities this weekend was a Democrat who worked for Tim Walz.' When pressed by the interviewer, who replied, 'he voted for your Dad,' Trump Jr. said, 'I'll believe that when I see it.' On Sunday, David Carlson, who has known the alleged shooter since fourth grade and described the 57-year-old as his best friend, dismissed the claims that the alleged shooter was a Democrat, telling reporters Sunday he 'would be offended if people called him a Democrat.' 'He's a Trump supporter, he voted for Trump, he liked Trump,' Carlson said, adding: 'He listened to InfoWars.' InfoWars is the far-right conspiracy theory channel operated by Alex Jones, the school shooting conspiracist and Pizzagate conspiracy promoter who filed for bankruptcy in 2022. This did not stop Jones from weighing in: 'Evidence mounts that the reported Minnesota assassin Vance Luther Boelter is a patsy who is being framed to cover up a larger false flag deep state operation,' Jones wrote on X. Despite the clear evidence that the alleged shooter was a Trump supporter, those trying to lay the blame on leftists and Democrats fell back on one of the oldest tricks in the conspiracy theorist handbook: Blame the deep state. 'The conspiracism about the Minnesota shooting, particularly the allegations that it's a psy-op or false flag, have become the norm with violent incidents of a political nature,' Mike Rothschild, an author who writes about conspiracy theories and extremists, tells WIRED. Posters, including elected officials, suggested that the narrative pushed by law enforcement—that the alleged shooter was responsible for the murders of the Hortmans—was actually a ruse and 'psyop.' 'Is it just me or does the man in the mask who they keep saying is the Minnesota shooter look totally different and about 70 pounds skinnier than the fat slob in a cowboy hat the media keeps saying is the shooter?' conspiracy theorist and close Trump ally Laura Loomer wrote on X. Arizona state senator Wendy Rogers, who has pushed numerous wild conspiracy theories in the past, added to the confusion by quoting a post on X about the suspected shooter's arrest and writing: 'Something(s) don't add up. Just sayin.'' Others pointed to Carlson's interviews as further proof that this was all a set-up: 'This is the most lazy psyop false flag crisis actor I've ever seen,' one conspiracy-focused X account wrote above a picture of Carlson. 'When someone on the far-right commits a violent act, [right-wing conspiracy theorists] have to deflect the blame elsewhere, and do it by constructing convoluted conspiracies about the deep state being involved or the left wanting to 'distract' from something else—because they've convinced themselves and their followers that nobody in their movement could possibly carry out any act of violence,' says Rothschild.
CNN
4 hours ago
- CNN
Mike Lee, prominent Republicans leap to baseless claims about political violence – again
If there was a telling recent moment when it comes to how ugly our political discourse has become, it might well have been the brutal 2022 hammer attack on Nancy Pelosi's husband, Paul. Soon after the attack on the then-82-year-old man, misinformation flowed about Paul Pelosi and the attacker, David DePape. But it wasn't just right-wing influencers leading the charge; it was also the likes of then-former President Donald Trump, Elon Musk and a coterie of prominent Republicans. These theories generally held or winked at the idea that the attack was a 'false flag,' and/or that Paul Pelosi had been engaged in a gay lover's quarrel – even as he was recovering from nearly being killed. These claims were baseless and highly suspect at the time, and they were ultimately disproven by audio and video evidence. Musk even offered a brief apology. But that episode did nothing to dissuade some observers from doing it again. And again. The lure of quickly politicizing a violent attack with misinformation and speculation has proven more tempting than being circumspect and sensitive about a tragedy. Some on the modern right apparently can't allow that someone on their side could be responsible for such violence, so they've again leapt to link the attacker to the other side with innuendo and falsehoods. Today's example deals with the shootings of two Democratic Minnesota state lawmakers. State Rep. Melissa Hortman and her husband were killed, while state Sen. John Hoffman and his wife are recovering at a hospital. Authorities are still piecing together evidence on a possible motive, but Democratic Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz has said the attack was a 'politically motivated assassination.' The suspect who has now been detained after a manhunt, Vance Boelter, had an apparent hit list of nearly 70 targets. The names on the list, which CNN obtained, are largely Democrats or figures with ties to Planned Parenthood or the abortion rights movement. A longtime friend, David Carlson, said Boelter is a conservative who supported Trump and opposed abortion rights. So much remains to be learned about what spurred the attack, and it's important to wait for more information before drawing definitive conclusions. These incidents are often carried out by disturbed individuals with no neat and tidy political motivation. But many on the right weren't about to wait for all that; they tried to attach the shooter to the left – and quick. They pointed to the fact that Walz in 2019 had appointed Boelter to the state's Workforce Development Board – a group of business owners who consult lawmakers. (The New York Post described Boelter in a headline as a 'former appointee of Tim Walz.') But such boards, which are numerous in Minnesota, are not particularly high-profile and generally feature a bipartisan cast of characters. Others suggested Hortman had been targeted because she in May spearheaded a compromise with Republicans under which undocumented adults would no longer be eligible for a state health care program. Hortman last week tearfully recounted voting for that compromise. But the other lawmaker victim this weekend, Hoffman, didn't vote for it. Still others pointed to flyers for the anti-Trump 'No Kings' protests this weekend that were allegedly found in Boelter's car, as if he supported those protests. Protest organizers canceled their events out of fear the protesters could be targeted. Despite the tenuousness of the evidence linking the attack to left-wing politics – and the more-compelling evidence suggesting the opposite – many prominent right-wing figures have quickly cast Boelter as an angry left-winger. Republican Sen. Mike Lee of Utah repeatedly suggested Boelter is not just a leftist but a 'Marxist' and linked him to Walz in an X post: 'Nightmare on Waltz Street.' Lee also wrote: 'This is what happens when Marxists don't get their way.' Musk, apparently unchastened by the Paul Pelosi situation, also promoted a post linking the shooter to the left, writing, 'The far left is murderously violent.' Republican Sen. Bernie Moreno of Ohio added in his own X post about the flyers: 'The degree to which the extreme left has become radical, violent, and intolerant is both stunning and terrifying.' Donald Trump Jr. on Monday wagered that that shooter 'went after someone that didn't just blindly follow Democrat radical leftist dogma.' He added: 'It's scary stuff, but it seems to all be coming from the left.' Influencers went even further, with some of the most prominent and recognizable ones suggesting without any evidence that Walz was somehow involved in the attack. 'Did Tim Walz have her executed to send a message?,' asked right-wing figure Mike Cernovich on X. While these claims have been much more prevalent and firm on the right, Republicans weren't the only ones leaping to conclusions. Democratic Sen. Chris Murphy of Connecticut said Sunday that the shooter 'appears to be a hate-filled right winger' and urged his side not to dance around 'MAGA's legitimization of political violence.' As noted, there is more evidence for this view than the inverse, but we still don't know a lot. Murphy has previously cautioned his side about the political perils of being too apolitical soon after school shootings, arguing it cedes the debate and allows people to move on from tragedy without addressing the problem. To be clear, these Republican lawmakers and conservative influencers aren't just suggestively raising questions – as their ilk often did with Paul Pelosi's attackers – they're suggesting this is a settled issue. The situation carries echoes of not just the Pelosi attack, but also other recent major acts of political violence in which the right, especially, has leapt to blame others using incomplete or bogus information. After the assassination attempt against Trump in Butler, Pennsylvania, last year, Republicans including Trump suggested a link to Democrats' rhetoric, despite the still-opaque picture of Thomas Matthew Crooks' politics and motivations. Some congressional Republicans suggested law enforcement deliberately jeopardized Trump – something that would be a massive scandal – without evidence. Many noted Crooks had once donated a small amount to a Democratic-leaning group, but that group has been criticized for misleading fundraising appeals. And Crooks later registered as a Republican and, according to CBS News, unsubscribed from the group's email list. After the January 6, 2021, attack on the US Capitol by Trump supporters, many on the right leapt to claim the attacks were somehow the result of provocateurs or even FBI agents. (Lee himself tweeted about a claim that one rioter was flashing a badge, when in actuality it appeared to be a vape.) There remains no evidence for these theories. A report by the Justice Department's inspector general last year found no undercover FBI employees were present on January 6 and that none of the FBI's confidential human sources present had been 'directed by the FBI to encourage others to commit illegal acts on January 6.' There's a real question here about how much of this leaping to conclusions is about prominent people getting caught up in fast-spreading misinformation, or whether there's a deliberate political strategy. Sharing such misinformation is a great way to win engagement and followers – and it also muddies the waters. Should we one day learn Boelter was indeed a MAGA supporter who targeted Democrats for political reasons, the seeds of doubt about that conclusion will have been planted and fertilized on the right at a crucial, very early stage. And the price of that is that incidents of political violence could serve to radicalize yet more people against their opponents – and often, the illusion of those opponents' violent tendencies. And there is evidence that Americans are viewing these incidents more through the lens of politics. When then-Rep. Gabrielle Giffords, a Democrat from Arizona, was shot in 2011, 71% of people in an NBC News poll said the attack was mostly about a 'disturbed person' rather than political 'rhetoric.' That number dropped to 46% for the shooting of Republican congressmen at a baseball practice in 2017, to 40% for the attack on Paul Pelosi, then to 37% after the Trump assassination attempt. Each of these circumstances were different. But the total picture is one of a country that instantly searches for political answers. And at this moment, one side of the aisle is particularly anxious to provide them – no matter how true they are.
