logo
With militaries upgraded, risks multiply in any potential India-Pakistan conflict

With militaries upgraded, risks multiply in any potential India-Pakistan conflict

Straits Times05-05-2025
A Pakistan Ranger stands guard before the start of a parade at the Pakistan-India joint check post at Wagah border, near Lahore, Pakistan, May 4, 2025. The parade was held against a backdrop of heightened tensions between Pakistan and India, following a deadly attack on tourists in south Kashmir. REUTERS/Mohsin Raza
FILE PHOTO: People take photos as Pakistan Air Force (PAF) jets perform to commemorate Pakistan Air Force's 'Operation Swift Retort', following the shot down of Indian military aircrafts on February 27, 2019 in Kashmir, during an air show in Karachi, Pakistan February 27, 2020. REUTERS/Akhtar Soomro/File Photo
ISLAMABAD/NEW DELHI - India and Pakistan have significantly upgraded their military capabilities since the nuclear-armed neighbours clashed in 2019, posing increased risks of escalation even in a limited conflict, former military officers and experts say.
Pakistan says India plans a military incursion after New Delhi blamed Islamabad for a deadly attack on domestic tourists in Indian Kashmir last month. India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi has vowed to punish the backers of the attack "beyond their imagination".
Pakistan has denied involvement in the attack but has warned it will hit back if it is targeted.
In 2019, India carried out air strikes inside Pakistan after the bombing of an Indian military convoy in Kashmir and said it destroyed "terrorist camps". Pakistani jets conducted a retaliatory air strike and shot down an Indian aircraft during actions spread over two days.
The neighbours have fought three wars - in 1948, 1965 and 1971 - and clashed countless times since gaining independence, mostly over the Kashmir region which both claim. Both acquired nuclear weapons in the 1990s and Kashmir is considered one of the most dangerous flashpoints in the world.
Military experts say neither side will consider nuclear weapons unless pushed to the wall, but even a limited conflict would carry high risks of escalation.
They say such a conflict is likely to involve aircraft, missiles or drones, where India and Pakistan are considered closely matched, although India's far greater resources would come into play over a longer period.
"Decision makers in both states now have a higher risk appetite for conflict initiation and escalation than prior to 2019," said Frank O'Donnell, a non-resident fellow at the South Asia Program at the Stimson Center, a think-tank in Washington, as they had managed then to clash without nuclear weapons being used.
"But without a clear mutual sense of the precise actions, that could trigger inadvertent escalation," he added.
Both sides have acquired new military hardware since 2019, opening up new conventional strike options.
"Each side will think they are in a better position than last time," said Muhammad Faisal, a South Asia security researcher based at the University of Technology, Sydney. "It is only when we see actual combat that we will find out."
In particular, India believes that it was at a disadvantage in 2019 because it had to rely mainly on ageing Russian jets. It has since inducted 36 French-made Rafale fighter jets, a top Western aircraft, with more on order for its navy.
To counter, Pakistan got one of China's most advanced war planes, the J-10, a rough equivalent of the Rafale, in batches since 2022. It has at least 20 of the aircraft, according to the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies.
The planes carry advanced capabilities, with the Rafale armed with Meteor air-to-air missiles that operate beyond visual range. The J-10 is armed with the comparable PL-15 missile, according to a Pakistani security official who declined to be identified because they were not authorised to brief the media.
To plug the gaps in air defences exposed on both sides in the 2019 conflict, India secured Russia's battle-tested S-400, a mobile anti-aircraft missile system. Pakistan obtained the HQ-9 from China, which is based on Russia's S-300, one notch down.
'CLAMOUR FOR ACTION'
"Most certainly in some respects we are better off (than 2019)," said Anil Golani, a former air vice marshal in the Indian Air Force, and the director general of the Delhi-based Centre for Air Power Studies think tank.
"There's a lot of clamour for action in the country but, in my personal assessment, both India and Pakistan are not looking for an all-out conflict," he added.
Hanging over any conflict is China, India's rival and Pakistan's close ally and biggest supplier of military equipment. Although the U.S. has urged India and Pakistan to ease tensions, it will closely watch any conflict for insights on Beijing's aerial strength.
The Chinese plane and its PL-15 missile have not previously been tested in combat.
"It could be a contest between Western and Chinese technology," said Faisal, adding "for India, there is the dilemma of how many air squadrons to commit to the Pakistan front, as it must also guard against China."
China and India fought a brief border war in 1962 and the two armies have clashed, most recently in 2022, along their tense Himalayan frontier.
Pakistan has a fleet of F-16s, the U.S. aircraft acquired decades back when ties with Washington were stronger. These F-16s were deployed in the 2019 tussle, leading India to lodge protests with the U.S., although New Delhi now enjoys far closer ties with Washington.
This time, to avoid the political fallout with the F-16 and to take advantage of having a more advanced aircraft, Pakistan will likely spearhead with the Chinese J-10, experts said.
But a drone or ground-launched missile strike is considered more likely since neither would risk a pilot being shot down.
India has turned to Israel for combat-capable drones, getting the Heron Mark 2, and it has U.S. Predator drones on order. Pakistan has acquired Turkey's Bayraktar TB2 - used by Ukraine in its war with Russia - and the Akinci, also from Turkey, according to the Pakistani security official.
Amid the standoff, Pakistan tested a surface-to-surface ballistic missile with a range of 450 km (280 miles) on Saturday, to show that the armed forces were ready to "safeguard national security against any aggression," according to a statement from the country's military. Pakistan also has a range of short-range and medium-range missiles, capable of being fired from ground, sea and air.
There was no immediate comment from India on the test. India's capabilities include the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile of about 300 km range as well the Agni series of intercontinental ballistic missiles.
The 2019 skirmish almost spiralled out of control, with multiple missile strikes threatened before U.S. intervention calmed the situation down.
Kaiser Tufail, a former fighter pilot in the Pakistani air force, said that India did not manage to establish deterrence in 2019, so it would aim for a more incisive strike this time, bringing more risks in its wake.
Modi said following the 2019 skirmishes that the country had felt the lack of Rafale fighters at the time, which were on order, and suggested that the results of the clash could have been different if it had the French fighter.
"If you go beyond what we saw in 2019, it is very risky," said Tufail. "Nuclear-armed countries slugging it out is extremely dangerous." REUTERS
Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Games-'Strong candidate' India upbeat about 2030 Commonwealth Games after delegation visit
Games-'Strong candidate' India upbeat about 2030 Commonwealth Games after delegation visit

CNA

time2 hours ago

  • CNA

Games-'Strong candidate' India upbeat about 2030 Commonwealth Games after delegation visit

NEW DELHI :Robust backing from the government and a desire to stage big-ticket events make India a strong candidate to host the 2030 Commonwealth Games, a top Indian Olympic Association (IOA) official told Reuters. The world's most populous nation is bidding for the 2030 edition of the Commonwealth Games in Ahmedabad to boost its bigger dream of hosting the 2036 Olympic Games at the western Indian city. A Commonwealth Sports delegation visited Ahmedabad last week to share their experience from the previous Games and help the Indian organisers prepare a comprehensive bid to be submitted by the August 31 deadline. "First and foremost, the mood of the country is upbeat for sporting activities and there is strong will of the government to host global sporting events," IOA executive council member Harpal Singh said by telephone. "India wants to host larger sporting events - be it Commonwealth Games, Asian Games, or Olympics - and we have the full backing of the government. "The existing infrastructure is very good and the roadmap for future infrastructure gave a lot of confidence to the delegation." "Overall, I would say India is a very strong candidate and we'll be very competent to host the 2030 Games," said Singh. The IOA is not taking anything for granted though, and is making sure Ahmedabad ticks every box to be unveiled as the host city at the Commonwealth Sport General Assembly in Glasgow in November. "The delegation is looking into various issues - like sustainability, gender-balance and eco-friendliness," said Singh, also a member of the sports committee of the Commonwealth federation. "They are looking particularly into the sustainability issue. The Games has to be sustainable beyond 2030 and must also align with the UN sustainable development goals. "It must inspire the youth of the Commonwealth community while showcasing our diverse culture." India hosted the 2010 Commonwealth Games in New Delhi, but the event was blighted by allegations of corruption and mismanagement. The country is determined to make a better impression in 2030 to bolster its bid to host the Olympic Games six years later. "We've not hosted (since 2010) a major sports event with so many countries across all six regions," Singh said. "So it will be a right step in that direction for our final dream of 2036." Canada and Nigeria are also in the fray to host the 2030 edition of the Games featuring athletes from 70-odd Commonwealth nations and territories.

Assam's move to introduce an arms policy could worsen violence in the state.
Assam's move to introduce an arms policy could worsen violence in the state.

Straits Times

time3 hours ago

  • Straits Times

Assam's move to introduce an arms policy could worsen violence in the state.

Sign up now: Get ST's newsletters delivered to your inbox The move is ostensibly aimed at helping locals deal with alleged threats that emanate from the illegal migration of Bengali Muslims from adjacent Bangladesh. - A decision by the Assam government to introduce a liberal arms policy for ' indigenous ' civilians to defend themselves against 'unlawful threats' could worsen the north-eastern Indian state's long and bloody record of ethnic and religious violence, critics say. That could have far-reaching impacts, including for India's 'Act East' policy. Assam's stability is important to bring in wider development for India's north-east, a region central to the country's vision of developing closer ties with South-east Asia. The Chief Minister of Assam and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader, Mr Himanta Biswa Sarma, announced on Aug 6 on X that his government is creating a dedicated portal so that 'original' inhabitants and 'indigenous' people of the state 'who perceive a threat to their lives and reside in sensitive areas' can apply for arms licences. The move, which comes ahead of state elections scheduled from March to April 2026, is ostensibly aimed at helping locals deal with alleged threats that emanate from illegal migration of Bengali Muslims from adjacent Bangladesh. Mr Sarma has blamed Bengali Muslims for committing crimes, including sexual violence against women, to force 'indigenous' people to move out of their land. There is no credible evidence to support this claim. In Hindu-majority Assam, which is also dominated by Assamese speakers, Indian Bengali Muslims have repeatedly been vilified as 'illegal immigrants' occupying the land of the 'indigenous' peoples. Assam shares a nearly 270km porous border with Muslim-majority Bangladesh, large tracts of which are riverine. Since India's independence in 1947, the state has witnessed large-scale migration from Bangladesh with Hindus and Muslims moving to Assam either in search of livelihoods or fleeing religious persecution. Top stories Swipe. Select. Stay informed. Singapore NEL, Sengkang LRT resume service after hours-long power fault; Punggol LRT being restored Singapore Live: NEL services resume fully; Sengkang-Punggol LRT services still unavailable Singapore Luxury items seized in $3b money laundering case handed over to Deloitte for liquidation Singapore Plan to base Singapore's F-15 fighter jets in Guam cancelled Singapore Hyflux investigator 'took advantage' of Olivia Lum's inability to recall events: Davinder Singh Singapore Scoot to launch flights to Chiang Rai, Okinawa, Tokyo-Haneda, boost frequency to other places Singapore Off-duty SCDF officer dies after accident in Punggol; 15-year-old pillion rider taken to hospital Business Goh Cheng Liang, Nippon Paint billionaire and richest Singaporean, dies at 98 This migration has been blamed for changing the demography of certain parts of the state and also cited by the government and indigenous groups as a threat to local livelihoods and cultures, prompting a violent anti-immigrant backlash over the years that has targeted Assam's local Bengali Muslim population, which forms the vast majority of the state's estimated 12 million Muslims, as well as Hindu Bengalis. Assam, a mosaic of various ethnic, linguistic and religious groups, has a population of around 35 million. Muslims account for more than a third of the state's population – the highest percentage among Indian states . In such a volatile setting, many fear issuing arms licences to 'indigenous' civilians could further target Assam's Bengali Muslims, putting them in the crosshairs of vigilantes. When the decision to issue arms licences was cleared by the state Cabinet in May , Mr Sarma had named districts such as Dhubri, Barpeta, South Salmara-Mankachar, Morigaon and Nagaon as some of the 'vulnerable' areas. All these districts have a Bengali Muslim majority. The chief minister noted that 'indigenous people are in (the) minority' in these districts, some of which border Bangladesh, and often 'have to confront the question of their security'. 'Even interior and remote places, where government presence is minimal and where threats of infiltration persist, would qualify,' he said. There have already been many instances of violence between Bengali Muslims and other groups in the state. Kokrajhar district, which is part of the Bodoland Territorial Region in Assam, has often seen large-scale violence erupt between Bengali Muslims and Bodos, including most recently in 2014 when more than 30 Bengali Muslims were killed by Bodo rebels. Dr Suraj Gogoi, a sociologist whose research has focused on issues related to minorities and citizenship in Assam, told The Straits Times allowing civilians to bear arms is a 'preposterous and extremely dangerous idea', especially in a state where there is 'no lack of lawlessness'. 'This is yet another tactic to instil fear (in Bengali Muslims) and carry out a form of mass punishment, if you will, of these people,' he added. Bengali Muslims in Assam have been subjected to vigilante attacks and disproportionately targeted in government crackdowns in the state, currently governed by the Hindu right-wing BJP. This despite them being Indian citizens with roots often going back to British-era India, which included present-day Bangladesh. Many of their ancestors were then brought in from there to Assam by the British to cultivate crops such as jute on the region's many low-lying riverine islands. According to a July 31 report by Washington-based research group India Hate Lab, Assam has witnessed a 'sharp and deeply concerning escalation' in hate speech, targeted harassment, violence and state-led evictions against Bengali-origin Muslims since early June, under the campaign to remove 'illegal Bangladeshi immigrants'. These attacks come at a time when the BJP-led state government has also targeted Assam's Bengali Muslim community to mobilise votes from Hindus and other groups in the state. Mr Sarma, a leader known for his controversial remarks, has said that he will not let 'Miya' Muslims 'take over' Assam, adding that he is 'not in the competition' for their votes. Miya is a pejorative term for Bengali Muslims in Assam. His government has intensified a crackdown on people who have encroached on government land, targeting mostly Bengali Muslims, many of whom depend on agriculture for their livelihoods. Since May 2021, when Mr Sarma became the chief minister, 50,000 people – mostly Bengali Muslims – have been evicted from around 160 sq km of land, with more such evictions planned, according to Reuters. The state has also forcibly deported Indian Bengali-Muslims to Bangladesh, labelling them as 'illegal immigrants' despite their having appeals pending in Indian courts. Such individuals have been sent back by the Bangladeshi authorities. Assam began updating its National Register of Citizens (NRC) to identify 'illegal' migrants in 2013 and bring some closure to the decades-long concerns of illegal migration from Bangladesh. This chaotic and flawed citizenship verification exercise excluded more than 1.9 million people in August 2019, including many who were born and have lived in India their entire lives. Instead of bringing about any closure, the exercise has further intensified the illegal migration narrative with criticism from both the state government and Assamese ethnonationalist groups who say it failed to include many illegal migrants in the state. After the exercise – whose outcome has yet to be declared formally – those excluded are expected to prove their citizenship through Foreigners Tribunals, quasi-judicial courts whose track record has been dubious. 'There is a frustration of not being able to punish (Bengali Muslims) enough through the NRC, which is why they are now trying these different tactics,' said Dr Gogoi. The state government has said that individuals will be given the licence to bear arms after proper scrutiny and vetting. The licences will also be non-transferable and subject to periodic review. But this has done little to prevent criticism, including from opposition parties and civil society. Mr Ashraful Hussain, a member of state assembly, told ST the move was clearly aimed at targeting Bengali Muslims and Hindus as well as other 'non-indigenous' ethnic groups. 'This will (also) lead to a rise in robbery, thefts and extortion… It is a failure of the state,' added the leader from the All India United Democratic Front, which has a strong following among Bengali Muslims. Congress leader Gaurav Gogoi said the decision to arm civilians 'reflects not public concern, but electoral concerns'. 'People of Assam deserve jobs, affordable healthcare, quality education, not guns,' he added in a post on X. This is not the first time that a state has decided to allow civilians in India to carry arms on such a scale. A people's vigilante movement known as Salwa Judum was created in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh in 2005 and its members were armed to fight Naxals, a far-left armed movement. The force was criticised for its human rights violations, which include accusations of rape, murder and burning villages. It was eventually disbanded after the country's top court in 2011 ruled the movement was unconstitutional. In Assam, even certain indigenous tribal groups have opposed the government's decision to issue these arms licences. Mr Manoranjan Basumatary, the president of the United Bodo People's Organisation, told ST that the Bodo people had waged a long armed struggle for a separate homeland but paid a heavy price for it. 'It really set us back in terms of education and created hurdles for our development,' he said. He said it is the government's responsibility to provide security to the people. 'I don't believe in arms, and I oppose it.' The Nari Nagarik Manch, a women's collective, on Aug 9 also urged the government to reconsider its decision, arguing that it could lead to a 'civil war scenario, increase gender violence and cause arms proliferation'. Arming people, Dr Gogoi fears, will lead to 'a very toxic kind of social surveillance' that could enable local vigilante groups to further curtail the rights of Bengali Muslims in Assam, including by placing restrictions on where they can live and work. 'The gun is not just to shoot, but it's also used to do a lot of other things,' he said. 'I see a perennial kind of unfreedom unfolding (for Assam's Bengali Muslims) in the long run.'

Russian forces make sudden thrust in eastern Ukraine, open source data shows
Russian forces make sudden thrust in eastern Ukraine, open source data shows

Straits Times

time3 hours ago

  • Straits Times

Russian forces make sudden thrust in eastern Ukraine, open source data shows

Sign up now: Get ST's newsletters delivered to your inbox MOSCOW - Russian forces have made a sudden thrust into eastern Ukraine east of the mining town of Dobropillia in a move that Ukrainian and Russian military bloggers say could become a serious problem for Kyiv if left unchecked. Ukraine's authoritative DeepState war map showed on Tuesday that Russian forces had quickly advanced north in two prongs covering as much as 10 kilometres (6.2 miles), part of their drive to take full control of Ukraine's Donetsk region. DeepState said they had advanced near three villages on a section of the frontline associated with the two Ukrainian cities of Pokrovsk and Kostyantynivka. The Russian thrust comes days ahead of a summit in Alaska on Friday between U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin where the two leaders are expected to discuss a possible deal to end the war in Ukraine. Tatarigami_UA, a former Ukrainian army officer whose Frontelligence Insight analysis tracks the conflict closely, said the Russian move had the potential to escalate dangerously if not nipped in the bud. "This is critical. In both 2014 and 2015, Russia launched major offensives ahead of negotiations to gain leverage. The current situation is serious, but far from the collapse some suggest," Tatarigami wrote on X. REUTERS

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store