UAE, Israel discuss parliamentary cooperation to improve regional security
The meeting was headed by Dr. Ali Rashid Al Nuaimi, Chairman of the Federal National Council's Defence, Interior and Foreign Affairs Committee and Yuli Edelstein, Chairman of the Defence and Foreign Affairs Committee of the Israeli Knesset.
Dr. Ali Al Nuaimi said security and stability in the region can only be achieved through dialogue, in a way that guarantees the rights and "dignity of all people," national news agency WAM reported.
He also highlighted the pivotal role parliaments can play in strengthening communication channels and building trust among peoples, by employing the tools of parliamentary diplomacy to open new horizons for dialogue and understanding.
Edelstein also expressed his appreciation for the parliamentary communication between the two sides, stressing the importance of continuing dialogue between legislative institutions in the region to achieve security and stability and confront common challenges with a spirit of responsibility and openness.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Middle East Eye
3 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
In photos: Aftermath of Israeli strikes on Gaza as death toll tops 90
The number of Palestinians killed in Israeli air strikes and shootings since last night in Gaza has risen to 94, including 45 who were attempting to reach humanitarian aid, according to the Associated Press, citing the Gaza health ministry and hospital sources. Mourners attend the funeral of Palestinians killed in Israeli attacks on a school sheltering displaced people and on people seeking aid, at Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, 3 July 2025 (Reuters) A Palestinian woman holding a child during the funeral of Palestinians, who were killed in an overnight Israeli strike on a tent, at Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, 3 July 2025 (Reuters) Mourners pray during the funeral of Palestinians, who were killed in an overnight Israeli strike on a tent, at Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, 3 July 2025 (Reuters) Palestinian women mourn during the funeral of Palestinians, who were killed in an overnight Israeli strike on a tent, at Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, 3 July 2025 (Reuters)
Middle East Eye
3 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
After ceasefire, Iran is preparing for the long war with Israel
An uneasy US-brokered ceasefire between Israel and Iran has ended a 12-day exchange of strikes, with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declaring victory. It marked one of the shortest wars of the 21st century. Yet Iran, too, has claimed victory, much like it did at the end of the Iran-Iraq War from 1980 to 1988, the longest conventional war of the 20th century, when then-Iraqi President Saddam Hussein also declared victory. In both cases, Iran was the target of attack and framed the conflicts as "imposed wars" (jang-e tahmili), arguing that they were launched with a "green light" from the United States. Also in both cases, Iran paired its declaration of victory with a posture of strategic patience (sabr-e rahbordi) - a doctrine of restraint aimed at shifting the balance over time. After the Iran-Iraq War, it waited, letting time and circumstance play to its advantage. It was ultimately the US, not Iran, that dismantled Saddam's weapons of mass destruction during the 1991 Gulf War and later overthrew him entirely in 2003. From Tehran's perspective, the same strategic patience principle is being applied again today. The current ceasefire, while publicly welcomed, is widely seen - especially in Iran's political and military circles - as a tactical pause rather than a sustainable peace. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Strategic pause For Iran, the ceasefire with Israel serves a clear strategic purpose. In line with its long-standing approach of strategic patience, time is a resource. Iran will recalibrate its nuclear strategy, expand regional alliances, and test the limits of international resolve. During this period, Iranian planners are expected to re-examine their deterrence doctrines, potentially including asymmetric naval capabilities and cyber operations, while crafting a long-term retaliatory posture. In line with its long-standing strategy of strategic patience, Iran sees time as a resource to recalibrate its nuclear posture, expand alliances, and test global resolve Time provides Tehran with critical breathing room to: first, restructure its leadership; second, replenish its arms; and third, plan an international diplomatic offensive. In June 1981, the Islamic Republican Party was bombed, killing its secretary-general, Mohammad Beheshti and 74 high-ranking officials. That same month, Iran lost one of its most influential military commanders, Mostafa Chamran, on the front lines with Iraq. In August 1981, Iran's newly elected president, Mohammad-Ali Rajai and Prime Minister Mohammad-Javad Bahonar were assassinated in a bombing at the prime minister's office in Tehran. The attack was carried out by the Mujahideen-e Khalq (MEK). This armed opposition group had turned against the Islamic Republic and allied itself with Saddam's regime during the Iran-Iraq War. The bomb was planted by Masoud Keshmiri, an MEK operative who had infiltrated the government posing as a security official. The explosion killed eight high-ranking officials, including the president, prime minister, the chief of national police, senior military advisers, and members of the Supreme National Security Council, making it one of the deadliest acts of internal sabotage in the early years of the war. Nevertheless, despite the loss, Iran was still able to launch a counter-attack that expelled all Iraqi forces from Iranian soil. Rebuilding and rearming On the morning of Friday, 13 June 2025, Israel launched its most extensive military operation against Iran to date. Its strikes went far beyond nuclear and missile facilities, targeting senior military commanders and scientists. Among those assassinated were Major General Mohammad Bagheri, Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps commander Hossein Salami, and aerospace chief Amir Ali Hajizadeh, along with several nuclear scientists and military officials. Yet Iran was still able to mount missile attacks against Israel, overwhelming its vaunted anti-missile defence system. Iran can now shift its focus towards rebuilding and rearming. The war depleted Iran's short- and medium-range missile stockpiles and damaged its missile-launching infrastructure, much of which was targeted in the initial waves of Israeli and US strikes. In this new phase of calm, Iran is expected to prioritise the replenishment and modernisation of its missile arsenal, including newer classes such as the Fattah and Kheibar Shekan hypersonic missiles, while bolstering its air defences to anticipate any future surprise attacks. One of the most critical lessons Iran has drawn from this recent war is that victory in a modern conflict is not achievable without a capable and advanced air force. While Iran's reliance on missile and drone-based deterrence showcased some tactical strengths, it also exposed a critical vulnerability: such systems alone are fragile when confronted with advanced aerial and electronic warfare capabilities. To address this strategic gap, Iran is now expected to urgently pursue the acquisition of Russia's S-400 air defence systems and Su-35 fighter jets. Follow Middle East Eye's live coverage of the Israel-Palestine war Simultaneously, Chinese combat aircraft, such as the J-10 and the fifth-generation J-20, which demonstrated their capabilities in the recent India-Pakistan standoff, are being seriously considered. Beyond these platforms, Iranian military planners have acknowledged another significant deficiency: the lack of airborne early warning systems. Even the most advanced ground-based air defence becomes severely limited without Airborne Warning and Control Systems (Awacs), which are essential for real-time detection and coordination. Thus, the acquisition of Awacs aircraft from China or Russia has become an urgent priority in Tehran's defence modernisation agenda. Beyond the battlefield Iran is also laying the groundwork for a legal and diplomatic counteroffensive. Iranian officials have already announced their intention to submit a comprehensive complaint to the International Court of Justice, holding both Israel and the US responsible for initiating an undeclared war and violating Iranian sovereignty by targeting nuclear facilities protected under international law. Until this legal process reaches a stage of formal recognition and judgment, Tehran has made it clear that it will not return to the nuclear negotiation table. By allowing Israel to bomb Iran, Trump is pushing Tehran to go nuclear Read More » This pivot away from negotiations is not a sign of retreat, but a calculated manoeuvre. Meanwhile, another crucial variable remains hidden from international view: Iran's president has signed a law suspending cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency under Director-General Rafael Grossi, citing biased oversight and political pressure. Prior to the war, and unbeknownst to most intelligence services, Tehran had reportedly transferred large quantities of enriched uranium from Fordow and Natanz to undisclosed secure locations. These reserves remain untouched by US and Israeli strikes, as no radiation was reported in Iran - indicating the stockpile was most likely undamaged. Iran could also choose not to disclose the whereabouts of these uranium stockpiles, using them as a strategic deterrence lever in future confrontations or negotiations. In light of all these factors, the current ceasefire is not a resolution - it is a chapter in a much larger, unfinished story. Iran's actions, both during and after the war, underscore a coherent and disciplined doctrine: absorb the blow, retaliate with calibrated precision, and use time as a tool of power. Strategic patience, for Tehran, is not passive restraint; it is a form of long-term psychological and political warfare. Whether the ceasefire holds or shatters under the weight of unresolved tensions will depend not just on missiles or negotiations, but on which side better understands the value of time. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
Middle East Eye
3 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
Israel backs two new armed gangs in Gaza
Israel is arming and funding two new criminal gangs in the Gaza Strip in what appears to be a deliberate effort to sow chaos and lawlessness, according to a new report by Ynet news outlet. The two armed groups are said to be operating in Khan Younis and Gaza City and are affiliated with the Palestinian Authority (PA), a political rival of Hamas. They follow in the footsteps of the gang led by Yasser Abu Shabab - a former criminal prisoner-turned-militia leader - who has coordinated with Israeli forces in Rafah to loot humanitarian aid and shoot at Palestinians. In addition to receiving arms and support from Israel, members of the two new gangs are allegedly on the payroll of the PA, due to their affiliations with Fatah, the movement that dominates the PA. One of the groups is reportedly led by Rami Khalas, a Fatah member from Gaza. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters The gang operates in the Shujaiya neighbourhood of Gaza City and is said to belong to the Khalas clan, one of the largest families in the Gaza Strip, with most of its members residing in eastern Gaza. According to Ynet, Rami Khalas lives in the Tel al-Hawa area in southwestern Gaza City. 'He and his men have a lot of weapons and, according to sources, receive cover and protection from the IDF,' the report said, referring to the Israeli military. The second gang, operating in Khan Younis, is reportedly headed by Yasser Khanidak, another local Fatah member who reportedly opposes Hamas rule in the territory. Like the Khalas group, Khanidak's men are said to receive Israeli weapons and financial backing from the PA. "As Israel identifies opportunities to operate local anti-Hamas forces, it may continue to deepen such cooperation," said the report of the possibility that Israel would further expand cooperation with gangs in Gaza. 'What's wrong with that?' Last month, it was revealed that Israel had armed and financed the Abu Shabab gang, in what appeared to be an Israeli strategy to foster instability in the besieged Gaza Strip. Hamas on Wednesday issued a 10-day ultimatum to Yasser Abu Shabab, the gang's leader, demanding he surrender to authorities in Gaza. Hamas has accused Abu Shabab of treason, collaboration with hostile entities, forming an armed militia, and inciting armed rebellion. 'Popular Forces': Who are the Gaza gangsters being armed by Israel? Read More » Following public exposure of Israel's links to the gang, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu defended the move. 'We made use of clans in Gaza that are opposed to Hamas... What's wrong with that?' he said in a post on X (formerly Twitter). 'It's only good. It saves the lives of Israeli soldiers.' The Abu Shabab gang has also been linked to the widely criticised aid scheme operated by the Israeli- and US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), which began limited food distribution in May. Since then, Israeli forces have killed at least 600 Palestinians and wounded over 4,000 wounded at or near GHF aid points, according to the Palestinian health ministry. Last week, Haaretz reported that Israeli military officials admitted firing on unarmed civilians queuing for aid, even when no threat was present. Soldiers said they had been instructed to shoot at crowds near distribution sites and confirmed that civilians had been killed due to "inaccurate and uncalculated" artillery fire. On Wednesday, the PA revealed that US security contractors working with the GHF also fired live rounds and stun grenades at hungry Palestinians attempting to collect aid.
