Mzwanele Manyi axed as MK party chief whip in Parliament
It is understood Colleen Makhubele is the new chief whip of the MK party.
MK party chief whip Mzwanele Manyi has been removed from his position in parliament.
National Assembly Speaker Thoko Didiza announced Colleen Makhubele as the new chief whip of the MK party at the beginning of Tuesday's plenary session in which President Cyril Ramaphosa appeared to answer questions in Parliament.
The Citizen has contacted MK party national spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlele and Manyi for comment. This will be included in the article once received.
Manyi fired
The announcement of Manyi's removal began circulating on MK Party WhatsApp groups, according to News24.
A party insider told the publication that the message was written by MK party Caucus leader John Hlophe and circulated in the MK Party's WhatsApp groups.
'I am writing to inform you that, with immediate effect, you are hereby relieved of your duties as the chief whip of the MK Party in the National Assembly, the message reads:
'This decision was made with careful consideration and in the interest of advancing the collective goals and objectives of our party.
'On behalf of the party leadership, I want to extend our heartfelt gratitude for your dedication, hard work, and service in this demanding role,' the WhatsApp message read.
ALSO READ: MK party dispels alleged physical dispute between Hlophe and Manyi
Hlophe vs Manyi
In February, the MK Party denied reports of an alleged dispute between Hlophe and Manyi, with allegations that things became physical between the two.
Hlophe raised eyebrows after dedicating his entire State of the Nation Address (Sona) debate reply in Parliament praising MK party leader Jacob Zuma, including hailing him as the 'best president ever'.
However, Zuma was unhappy with the speeches delivered by MK Party MPs and confronted Hlophe about his speech.
Manyi's axing comes amid reports of a document that called for the restructuring of some MK party leadership positions.
ALSO READ: Zuma's MK party in turmoil as members allegedly threaten each other with guns
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Daily Maverick
14 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
‘One worker does the job of 62' – the hard truth lesson for Ghana on human capital reform
The worker-to-output gap can be narrowed. But only if we first build systems that close the skills-to-opportunity gap. Let's train for the jobs we want, make the skills that pay and move from potential to performance. Not long ago, I met an executive of a steel company based in Ghana. He'd just returned from a visit to a couple of factories in China. 'In one of these places, one worker,' he told me, shaking his head, 'does the work of 62 of my workers in a day.' The shock wasn't just in the numbers; it was also in the revelation that his Ghanaian plant had more modern equipment than he encountered on the tour. To add insult to injury, the situation, although less jarring in another factory, was similar; this time, the comparison was with about 40 workers. The difference wasn't tools or technology. It was about systems, skills and the structures that shape how people work. This is the crisis at the heart of Ghana's development challenge. We talk about jobs. We talk about youth. But we avoid the hard truth: we are underperforming not because we lack potential, but because we consistently underinvest in our people and the systems that enable their productivity. When skills, discipline and incentives are misaligned with economic needs, even the best technology gathers dust. Productivity is not just about effort; it's about structure, strategy and support. If Ghana is serious about transforming into a productive, resilient and job-creating nation, as President John Mahama laid out in his 2025 State of the Nation Address, then we must bet big on our people. Not in theory, in practice. We cannot build a 21st-century economy on a 20th-century workforce preparation. Human capital reform must become a national economic strategy, not a donor-driven project or policy footnote. Thankfully, there is no shortage of models to learn from. Over the past 60 years, countries such as Japan, South Korea, Singapore and, more recently, Rwanda and Mauritius have made deliberate choices to transform their populations into engines of economic productivity. Across the world, there is much to learn. Build education for jobs, not just exams When Japan rebuilt after World War 2, it didn't just focus on GDP; it focused on skills. It established Kosen schools, which were technical colleges that trained engineers, electricians, machinists and factory managers. Graduates didn't struggle to find work. They were already embedded in industry by the time they were done. South Korea, too, scaled technical training in tandem with industrial policy. When factories opened, skills followed. As new sectors emerged, curriculums changed. Singapore established its Institute of Technical Education (ITE) in collaboration with employers. It created SkillsFuture, a national programme that paid people to learn what the economy actually needed. The country's ascent from a resource-poor island to a global hub was driven mainly by Lee Kuan Yew's commitment to meritocratic education and strategic talent recruitment. Simultaneously, foreign professionals filled gaps in hi-tech industries. Programmes targeted both highly skilled immigrants and workers with portable skills. Singapore's quotas for foreign talent accelerated sectoral growth – a model Ghana could replicate in areas such as healthcare and engineering. Ghana has no shortage of educated people. However, there's a significant mismatch between what we teach and what employers actually need. Many school-leavers cannot find work, not because there are no jobs but because they aren't job-ready. It is estimated that more than one in six tertiary graduates and one in four secondary graduates in Ghana are out of work. Technical and vocational education and training (TVET) remains a second-class option – underfunded, underrespected and unaligned with growth sectors such as agritech, construction, renewable energy and logistics. Ghana's recent educational reforms underscore the critical need for the development of technical skills. Initiatives like the National Education Consultative Forum have set the stage for aligning education with the modern demands of the workforce. Partnerships like Huawei's ICT Academies are instrumental in providing students with practical skills and certifications that enhance their employability and career prospects. By fostering such collaborations, Ghana can emulate successes elsewhere, where industry-education partnerships have significantly reduced youth unemployment. Involving employers in curriculum design is not a luxury; it's the fix. Make business co-investors in skilling In high-performing economies, businesses don't just hire skilled workers; they help create them. In Singapore, companies receive subsidies to upskill their workforce through the SkillsFuture programme. In South Korea, large conglomerates – chaebols – train workers as part of a long-term industrial strategy. In Japan, business federations work with government to forecast labour needs and co-design vocational tracks. Ghana, by contrast, lacks a national compact. Most firms, especially SMEs, which make up a significant portion of work, have little incentive to do so, and large firms often prefer to import skilled labour with no structure in place to train or transfer skills to locals. Meanwhile, more than 70% of Ghana's workforce is in the informal sector, where access to quality training is nearly nonexistent. Ghana needs a 'Train and Hire' Compact: a nationwide initiative that rewards firms for investing in local talent through tax incentives, wage subsidies and visibility. Digital job-matching platforms and modular, mobile-based training for informal workers can help bridge the gap between education and the workforce. We must also stop ignoring the informal economy. Hairdressers, welders, tailors and informal tech workers power much of Ghana's growth. Partnering with trade associations and mobile operators to deliver modular, mobile-based training, paired with flexible certification, can professionalise and scale this workforce, increasing their output and productivity. Rwanda and Kenya are already piloting such initiatives with measurable success. The private sector won't lead alone. But if the state de-risks investments and shares costs, firms will step up. It's not CSR. It's smart economics. Use diplomacy to build human capital Ghana has embassies in Japan, Korea and Singapore. These missions must broker skills partnerships, not just trade talks. They should pursue technical placements in Japan's Kosen network, linkages with Korea's ETRI and Singapore's A*STAR, and access to SkillsFuture programmes. If we are sending envoys abroad, they must return with tools, not just talking points. The goal is to leverage and capitalise on international relationships. Beyond our borders also lies an untapped reservoir of talent: the Ghanaian diaspora. With about 1 million citizens abroad, half of whom reside in OECD countries, this community boasts a high concentration of tertiary-educated professionals, particularly in the health and technical sectors. In 2023, remittances reached US$4.6-billion, accounting for about 6% of Ghana's GDP. Their impact can go beyond money. Engaging this skilled diaspora through targeted initiatives could accelerate our human capital development and bridge critical gaps in our workforce. Professors abroad can deliver virtual or in-person training. Health professionals from Cuba to Switzerland can share practices. Tech professionals in Silicon Valley and Dublin can serve as formal mentors to start-ups. Launching a 'Digital Ambassadors' initiative, with tax incentives for diaspora-led masterclasses or mentoring, could yield major gains. Turning knowledge into national power Japan didn't become a tech leader by accident. It built the Japan Science and Technology Agency. Korea has ETRI. Singapore consistently invests 1%-2% of its GDP in research and innovation. Ghana? Less than 0.4%, most of it tied up in bureaucracy. If we want innovation, we need to fund it. We must fund applied research in agriculture, health and energy. Universities need partnerships with businesses. Innovation hubs should solve real problems – like farm productivity, water access, and small business logistics – not just launch apps. We must also expand rural broadband, train teachers in digital literacy and collaborate with global EdTech firms, among other initiatives. Talent exists. Access must catch up. Stanford's Eric Hanushek found that education quality, not quantity, explains most long-term growth. It is not how many years kids spend in school but what they learn. Heeding this would help us make smarter policy choices, not populist ones. Don't leave people behind It must also be said that most human capital strategies fail because they assume a level playing field. Access to education, internet and training in Ghana is deeply unequal by region, gender, income and (dis)ability. Girls in rural areas are more likely to drop out early. Persons with disability face systemic exclusion. Children of farmers are often several years behind their urban peers by the time they hit secondary school. The challenge isn't ignorance; it's inertia, a lack of systemic coordination and a culture of tokenism in decision-making spaces where those most affected are rarely ever at the table. And too many people stay quiet in policy rooms, worried about ruffling feathers or offending political loyalties. Education equity isn't charity. It's strategy. And it pays dividends. The bottom line Productivity isn't a miracle. It's the result of policy choices. Others have made them, and we have a plethora of outcomes to inform our own. The lesson is not that Ghana has to replicate mindlessly what some country did; it is that we cannot afford to ignore those who have had success, why they achieved it and what we can learn from that experience. That's the benefit of having others 'go ahead.' The steel executive's words still echo: 'One worker there does the work of 62 of my workers in a day.' That gap isn't solely about effort. It's about systems, skill-building efforts and priorities that overlook the engine of real growth — the people. Eric Hanushek's research confirms that what people learn, more than how long they learn, determines national growth. Ghana cannot afford to invest in education that doesn't translate into employable skills. It cannot fill classrooms at the expense of quality. It cannot fund training programmes without demanding results. And it cannot promise jobs while leaving human potential untapped. If we continue to sideline human capital, President Mahama's vision will remain just that — a vision. But it doesn't have to. The worker-to-output gap can be narrowed. But only if we first build systems that close the skills-to-opportunity gap. Let's train for the jobs we want, make the skills that pay and move from potential to performance. That means realising that the smartest investment we can make is not solely in concrete but in capacity, too. If we don't start now, we will continue to watch the world move on, while Ghana continues to ask why one foreign worker can do what 61 of ours cannot. We need to make different choices.
Mail & Guardian
19 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
‘Msholozi finally heard us': MK leaders welcome Shivambu's axing as secretary general
Former MK party secretary general Floyd Shivambu. (File photo) Senior officials in Although they expressed 'relief' that the party's leader, Zuma axed Shivambu as secretary general after he had travelled without sanction to Malawi in April to attend a church service led by self-proclaimed prophet On Monday Zuma said Shivambu's visit was inconsistent with the MK party's constitution. The trip, and Shivambu's insistence on defending how he made it while wearing MK colours, led to what insiders described as the boiling over of long-standing grievances against him. MK deputy chairperson Nkosinathi Nhleko told Monday's media briefing that the party had been 'left with no other option' but to remove Shivambu from his post. The redeployment comes as the party prepares to reshuffle its list of parliamentary candidates. Shivambu was not included on the MK list during May 2024 general elections, because he had been on the Economic Freedom Fighters' (EFF) list before defecting to the former. His name is expected to be included when the Electoral Commission of South Africa opens the first window for candidate list amendments from 6 to 12 June. 'We are happy Msholozi finally heard us,' said a senior MK leader in KwaZulu-Natal, speaking on condition of anonymity. 'This man was causing serious discord in the ranks. He came in as if he was going to fix the movement, but he created more problems than solutions.' Shivambu has accepted the move and expressed gratitude to Zuma, calling his role in the party 'an invaluable and humbling experience'. But his remained unapologetic about his Malawi trip, saying on the Newzroom Afrika channel: 'One thing I will never apologise for is going to see Prophet Shepherd Bushiri. When he said, 'Let's go to church,' I said, 'I'll go to church.'' The MK party source said branches had long raised concerns about Shivambu's leadership style, accusing him of sidelining long-time organisers, tightening access to Zuma and attempting to centralise control of party finances. Other insiders said his tenure had been marked by delays in convening the national high command and alienation of grassroots organisers. 'There was a growing feeling that he didn't come to build but to hijack. So when the Bushiri trip came to light, it gave the president the space to act. We see the redeployment as a way to remove him from the engine room without losing the value he still has in parliament,' said one. Shivambu's experience, including a decade in the National Assembly as the EFF's deputy president, is seen as an asset for a party seeking to assert itself as a serious opposition force after its surprise performance in the May 2024 elections. The MK party secured 58 seats nationally, displacing the EFF as the third-largest party. MK party spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndlhela said on Monday that Shivambu's Malawi trip was inconsistent with the party's policies, and 'the appropriate action was taken'. 'However, the national officials have resolved that his skills are best placed in parliament where he can help sharpen the MK party's opposition role,' Ndlhela added. But not all in the party are convinced that the move will resolve the deeper tensions his presence has created. Two MK high command members said Shivambu's strained relationship with Zuma's daughter, Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla, and MK deputy president John Hlophe could make his integration into the caucus difficult. Duduzile, who played a central role in the party's digital mobilisation, has clashed with Shivambu over media strategy and his growing influence in the party's core decision-making circles. 'Dudu never trusted him, and neither did Hlophe. They tolerated him when he was in a position to help us build the ground campaign. But when he started isolating people and dictating terms, the red flags went up,' said one of the high command sources. Additional concerns have surfaced over a broader rift between founding members of the MK party and those who defected from the EFF alongside Shivambu. The high command members said his role also placed those he defected with in danger because of their loyalty to him, 'now that means they will be scrutinised as well. He should've been fired.' But some officials argue that Shivambu's visibility in parliament could benefit the MK party's image as it gears up to play a vocal role against the government of national unity. 'Zuma understands Shivambu is a polarising figure, but also a political weapon. Putting him in parliament keeps him visible but contained. The real question is whether the internal divisions he leaves behind will fester or fade,' political analyst Bheki Mngomezulu said. Shivambu did not respond to the Mail & Guardian' s efforts to get his comment.
IOL News
a day ago
- IOL News
Jacob Zuma's Double-Edged Spear Thwarts Floyd Shivambu's Ambition
MKP President Jacob Zuma gives journalists the thumbs up at a media briefing held in Durban on June 4, 2025. The Party announced the removal of its Secretary-General Floyd Shivambu and his redeployment to the National Assembly as an ordinary MP. Image: Tumi Pakkies/Independent Media Zamikhaya Maseti The firing of Floyd Shivambu yesterday did not come as a surprise. In truth, Floyd penned his political obituary the day he walked into the MK Party and emerged as its General Secretary. That was not a promotion, it was a political coffin lined with velvet. But the real reckoning is still coming. The VBS scandal, so long buried under layers of delay, distraction, and legal gymnastics, will soon come to trial. And when it does, Jacob Zuma will do what he always does, drop the dead weight before it begins to stink. He will ask Floyd to step aside in the interest of the MK Party. That will be the final burial. Hamba Kahle Mkhonto, not with a song, but with a court docket. Floyd Shivambu's political execution was triggered by his clandestine trip to Malawi to attend a church service led by none other than Shepherd Bushiri a fugitive preacher facing serious allegations of rape, sexual exploitation, and financial fraud. That was too far even for Zuma's elastic ethics. Floyd Shivambu, the self-proclaimed Marxist sitting cross-legged in the sanctuary of a Pentecostal profiteer, clapping hands for a man accused of sodomising and brutalising young girls. This is not merely a lapse in judgment, it is a moral implosion. Those who read and understand the Marxist-Leninist Theory, not just name-drop, know that religion is not just 'the opium of the people.' It is the ideological glue of the very Bourgeois order Marxism exists to oppose. You cannot be a revolutionary on Monday and a prophet's disciple on Sunday. You cannot shout 'radical economic transformation' at Parliament and whisper 'Amen' at the altar of a millionaire scammer who preaches submission to the Capital, patriarchy, and magical thinking. Floyd failed the revolutionary morality test. His trip to Bushiri's church was not a mere detour. It was a confession, silent but deafening, that he had no centre. This is where Jacob Zuma, for all his faults, showed leadership and political decisiveness. Love him or hate him, and most people fall somewhere in between, he has demonstrated that, despite his numerous challenges and well-documented shortcomings, in the MK Party, his political outfit, he will not tolerate ideological bankruptcy or political dishonesty. By firing Floyd Shivambu, Zuma did what many South Africans expected the moment Shivambu returned from that ill-advised pilgrimage to Bushiri's church. It was not just poor judgment; it was a violation of public morality. And Zuma, sensing the national mood, played his move with chilling precision. One must admit, that Zuma is, without a doubt, a political chess master. He understands the terrain. He studies the map. He waits. And then he strikes. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ He did not flinch at the first sound of public outrage. He did not rush to satisfy the noise of social media or the murmurs of political insiders. No. Zuma sat still. He waited for the moment when he, not the nation, was ready. Then he acted. And when he did, the message was clear: in the Kingdom of Nkandla, there is only one strategist, only one tactician, and only one general. He understands the art of war, and more importantly, the art of timing. Shivambu may have embarrassed the MK Party publicly, but Zuma buried him strategically. There is, however, a serious downside to Zuma's political strategy; he is wielding a double-edged spear. Yes, he is decisive. Yes, he reads the battlefield well. But the very authoritarianism that gives Zuma the upper hand in the short term may well lead to the MK Party's long-term implosion. Undoubtedly, many within the MK Party are now unsettled. Their futures hang in limbo. The spectre of arbitrary dismissal haunts even the loyalists. No one is safe not from embarrassment, not from demotion, not from the sudden twist of a knife dressed as a song. This is not leadership by consensus. It is Stalinism dressed in camouflage. And Stalinism, as history has shown us, always leads to demoralisation, disillusionment, and eventually, decay. The full swing of musical chairs, where today's hero is tomorrow's exile, will only erode talent and collapse morale. Let's not forget these are men and women with families, responsibilities, and dreams. The stress of living under constant political threat, especially in this suffocating economic climate, will eventually take its toll on them, individually and collectively. This tired line that 'political deployment is not employment' is outdated, exhausting, and frankly, dishonest. It fails to acknowledge that politicians are human beings too, with aspirations, commitments, and material needs. To pretend otherwise is to invite hypocrisy. Political deployment is labour, and those deployed are not pawns; they are professionals, cadres, and citizens. They deserve respect, not permanent precarity. It may appear, for now, that members of the MK Party are content with these purges. That they clap as Comrades are fired. But don't be fooled. That is fear, not approval. That is survivalism, not loyalty. Zuma's Stalinist approach is unsustainable and will inevitably face a serious internal ideological offensive, as there are tried and tested Communists within the MK Party. If they surrender their ideological discipline just to stay in Zuma's good graces, then they are betraying more than themselves. They are betraying the memory of the Communist International. They are betraying a generation. And if that is the path the MK Party takes, then history will not be kind. As I conclude, it is imperative to surface what might well be the most consequential development regarding the MK Party: it now finds itself, by sheer electoral outcome and political reconfiguration, as the Official Opposition Party. This status is not merely symbolic; it carries with it a constitutional weight and a historic responsibility. With the Democratic Alliance (DA) having opted to join the Government of National Unity (GNU), the DA has effectively vacated the oppositional bench it once occupied with forceful intensity. The MK Party, however, has not yet settled into this new role. It is not combative, nor intellectually coherent, in the manner the DA once was in opposition. The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), with all their contradictions, are currently outpacing the MK Party in opposition performance.
