
‘I call us the Sisterhood of Ill Repute': Amanda Knox on bonding with Monica Lewinsky and Lorena Bobbitt
Before Italy, I was only vaguely aware of that ancient stereotype that all women secretly hate one another, that we are incapable of true friendship. Some call it 'venimism'; others refer to 'mean girls'. In 1893, the Italian criminologist Cesare Lombroso wrote: 'Due to women's latent antipathy for one another, trivial events give rise to fierce hatreds; and due to women's irascibility, these occasions lead quickly to insolence and assaults.' The source of our latent antipathy? Sexual jealousy, of course. We hate one another because we are ever competing for male attention.
I always thought this misogynistic myth was obviously false. I had lots of girlfriends, from school and soccer; so did my sisters, my mom, pretty much every girl I knew. But, then again, I also thought my innocence was obvious … And, clearly, the stereotype found its way into my courtroom, where a cross hung on the wall and my devoutly Catholic prosecutor accused me not merely of being a murderer, but of being a dirty, drug-addled, woman-hating slut.
'Meredith was astonished that Amanda had started a relationship with a boy after just arriving in Perugia … that Amanda owned condoms and a vibrator,' explained Dr Giuliano Mignini. 'It is possible that Meredith argued with Amanda … because of her habit of bringing strange men into the house … [So,] under the influence of drugs and probably also alcohol, Amanda decided to involve Meredith in a violent sex game … For Amanda, the time had come to take revenge on that 'simpering goody two-shoes' – so she must have thought.'
With these words, which echoed through the global media, Mignini inducted me into a not-so-secret society of women. You know who I'm talking about. The women who've been the subject of TMZ headlines, Saturday Night Live skits and David Letterman's top 10 lists. The women who've been turned into Halloween costumes and found themselves referenced in rap lyrics. The women we treat like punching bags and punchlines. The women whose broken bodies, broken relationships, most vulnerable moments and worst experiences we consume like candy. I call us the Sisterhood of Ill Repute. I didn't even realise I belonged to this club until I met another member: Monica Lewinsky.
It was shortly before my first-ever speaking event in January 2017, at a private conference in Seattle. Monica was one of the other speakers. I had an hour to fill, and I was terrified. After crafting and polishing my talk, I'd rehearsed a half dozen times leading up to the event. I knew that to really tell my story, I would have to break my own heart in front of the audience, so I went to the places that still hurt. But saying those words in my living room was nothing like standing in front of a crowd of hundreds who might believe all sorts of falsehoods about me.
Before the event, Monica invited me up to her hotel room to chat. She had gone through the gauntlet of public shaming in the worst possible way when I was just a kid. I remember eating dinner with my family and listening to them discuss the news. It was the first time I'd heard the term 'oral sex', and when I spoke up to say that I couldn't understand why everyone was so upset about people saying sexy things over the phone, my entire family keeled over with laughter. In the years after that, I, too, casually absorbed the image of Monica presented by the tabloids. I didn't dig into the story, I didn't educate myself, and if you'd asked me about it in high school, I probably would have said, 'Oh yeah, Monica. The blowjob lady.'
But, after getting the tabloid treatment myself, I humbly withdrew the conviction that I could ever trust the image presented to me by the media of who any person really is. And when Monica gave her Ted Talk, The Price of Shame, she opened my eyes not only to who the real Monica was, but who she had always been. I'd followed her closely since then, reading all her writing for Vanity Fair, feeling utterly validated when she described her experiences of being ruthlessly shamed in the press, humiliated and demonised for the sake of other people's entertainment and political gain.
I expected to be starstruck when I walked into that hotel room. Instead, what I found, almost immediately, was a big sister.
From the first moment, she was warm and kind. She made me a cup of tea. We sat by the windows, overlooking downtown Seattle, and talked about my speech. She gave me some invaluable pointers about mental preparation and self-care, but most of all we talked about processing trauma. How you're never really done with it, and how talking about it publicly is both triggering and healing. She gave me the rundown of which kinds of therapy had worked for her, which hadn't, and why. (I have yet to meet anyone more committed to therapy.) But perhaps what struck me the most was what wasn't said. You're that girl from Italy! What was prison like? What's it like to be famous? All those conversational notes, ranging from cringey to offensive, that popped up whenever I met a stranger who thought they knew who I was because they'd absorbed a decade of media coverage, were absent. And it wasn't because Monica had been unaware of all that. She'd read about 'Foxy Knoxy' just like millions of others, but it was Amanda she'd invited for a cup of tea.
I walked away from that meeting feeling truly seen. Here was someone to whom I didn't have to explain the trauma of prolonged, widespread public shaming. I had been grappling with my status as a public figure since I came home – the invasion of my privacy, my impotence to fight slanderous statements in the press – and seeing her surviving it, and thriving even, gave me hope that I could as well. A strong sense of empathy can form a bond between people with vastly different life experiences, but it's a lot easier to make such connections when the other person has been in your shoes. That's why support groups exist, and it's why I left that meeting inspired to connect with other publicly shamed women.
When I was producing a podcast called The Truth About True Crime, I did a live episode with Lorena Bobbitt (now Gallo) at a true-crime convention in Washington DC. Like Monica, Lorena had been ducking her head for 20 years in the face of reputational damage that could never be undone. But she agreed to meet me on a stage and talk in front of a live audience about how we have lived our lives in the crosshairs of public shaming. Most people remember that John Wayne Bobbitt's penis was cut off, but they forget that Lorena claimed she was a victim of domestic violence and marital rape, and that her own violent act was done in a moment of mental instability. That doesn't excuse her actions, but it is crucial context that is often left out.
Sign up to Inside Saturday
The only way to get a look behind the scenes of the Saturday magazine. Sign up to get the inside story from our top writers as well as all the must-read articles and columns, delivered to your inbox every weekend.
after newsletter promotion
The morning of that event, Lorena and I met up at a local TV news station to promote it. I got there early, and I was in the green room waiting for Lorena to arrive, when a comedian from New Jersey came in. He had just finished his on-air segment, and we chatted briefly. When he asked what I was going to be talking about, I told him I was interviewing Lorena, and he said: 'What about? Which knives are best for slicing sausage?'
'No,' I said. 'Actually, we'll be talking about how people still reduce her to a penis-chopping joke when she is, in fact, a complex human being who advocates in support of victims of domestic violence.'
To his credit, the comedian replied: 'Oh, I get it. She's not the monster. I am!'
But as much as we are all responsible for the media we consume, I don't want to demonise the audience, the millions of us who casually absorbed skewed and incomplete stories about Lorena, about Monica, about me. Such stories are designed to appeal to our worst impulses. Judgment will always come more easily to us than mercy, understanding, forgiveness, and a nuanced acknowledgment of the complexity that underlies nearly all serious harms. It feels good to hate 'bad' people, and there's a special kind of hate reserved for 'bad women'. The narrative of the 'mean girl', the 'homewrecker' and 'girl-on-girl' crime is titillating precisely because it confirms the stereotype that women are secretly one another's worst enemies. Amanda v Meredith. It distracts from the actual crimes committed against women by men, and even validates them, giving tacit permission for men to hate women, too.
This is an edited extract from Free: My Search for Meaning by Amanda Knox, published by Headline, on 25 March. To support the Guardian and Observer, order your copy from guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Spectator
6 hours ago
- Spectator
The Renaissance master who rescued polyphonic music
Last month I watched conductor Harry Christophers blow through what sounded like an arthritic harmonica but in fact was a pure-toned pitch pipe, which handed the singers of his vocal group the Sixteen their starting notes. Then the Kyrie from Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina's Missa Regina coeli unfolded inside the resonant splendour of St James's Church in Mayfair and, 500 years after his birth, I grasped why Palestrina, maestro di cappella of St Peter's Basilica in Rome from 1551-5, still has the capacity to surprise. Christophers and the Sixteen are celebrating this greatest of the late Renaissance composers in his anniversary year with three concerts promoted by the Wigmore Hall but held at St James's: this music lives or dies by the acoustic in which it is heard. That first concert returned me to my days as a music student trying my best to unpick, then put back together, Palestrina scores, always with a sinking feeling that I might as well be unscrambling Einstein's theory of relativity; this was advanced mathematics, not music. The point was never made that Palestrina laid down rules because he had listened carefully to the acoustics of churches not dissimilar to St James's, then conceived a compositional approach that led him to create music of unfailing luminosity. A second anniversary concert on 18 June will focus on Palestrina's music depicting the Last Supper, and then there's a gap until the final instalment of the series on 22 October. The very idea that anyone attending these concerts might have heard weak links in his robust chains of sound would have filled Palestrina with dread and that's where those rules came in. In a Palestrina score every note in every chord needed to have its function; notes had to arrive from somewhere and land somewhere else. Doubling the same dissonance across different voices – which would have temporarily dimmed a chord – was banned. Notes moving in consecutive sequence between different voices – diluting the rich texture by having one part existing as a mini-me shadow of another – was similarly banned. It's a checklist of compositional terms and conditions that goes on and on, but out of this intense discipline Palestrina found enormous creative freedom. Lassus and Victoria – also associated with Rome and the papal chapel – composed magnificent music, but no composer of the period wrote as prolifically and with such consistent finesse as Palestrina. He matters historically, too, because, without his brilliance, Renaissance choral music might have been allowed to wither away. Growing up in Rome, he had his first musical training in the city, and the Catholic church formed him as composer and thinker. By the time of the Council of Trent – which, beginning in 1545, was intended to give church orthodoxy a spring-clean in the light of the Protestant Reformation – the fear was that church music had become too fancy for its own good. People were in danger of enjoying the sound of the music at the expense of engaging with its liturgical texts. Deep in the mythology is the suggestion that, in 1564, Palestrina wrote his Pope Marcellus Mass in response to a papal request for something that might prove otherwise. Everything came out right. Palestrina's pristine vocal lines didn't strain any voices and, most importantly, allowed for easy comprehension of the text. Had he failed, the church might have stopped polyphonic music altogether – but instead his piece became the prototype for choral music of which the church could approve. For his efforts, Palestrina became known as 'the saviour of music'. Out of this intense discipline Palestrina found enormous creative freedom Today Pope Marcellus Mass, and his Stabat Mater setting, remain Palestrina's most popular and often performed works. When we spoke a few weeks after that first anniversary concert, Harry Christophers was keen to emphasise just how much Palestrina exists – 'there are 104 masses, but only three or four of them are regularly performed'. There are currently nine Palestrina CDs on the Sixteen's own Coro label, with more in the pipeline. But even Christophers took time to work Palestrina out. 'For years I didn't touch his music,' he confides, somewhat to my surprise, 'because as a conductor you want to interpret. This music was intended originally to adorn the liturgy, but now we're taking it out of its liturgical context, presenting it as great music. Palestrina is the master craftsman and I couldn't impose myself on it too much. I had to learn to keep out the way and let the music speak for itself.' Soprano Kirsty Hopkins, who has been a mainstay of the Sixteen for the past 16 years, remains in awe of Palestrina's empathy for voices. 'He tops my list of composers who make singing incredibly easy,' she tells me. 'He understood instinctively how long a phrase can be and how much breath you need in between phrases, so as not to be forced to snatch a sneaky breath. This means we can focus entirely on giving texts their meaning.' As a listener the challenge, and indeed the joy, of Palestrina lies in tracking how his weave of interlinking voices, moving inexorably through time, keeps turning on its axes. It's tempting to categorise Palestrina as a 'classical composer', forgetting that he was writing two centuries before Haydn and Mozart, and that his musical vocabulary inhabits whole other worlds. Abrupt shifts of harmony and key changes, the narrative juice of 18th- and 19th-century music, are entirely absent from Palestrina. His rhythms roll out of the stresses and inclines of liturgical text; you'll never hear dislocating rhythmic jolts or, heaven forfend, any beat-shifting syncopations. The fascination lies almost entirely in following the network of association between intertwining vocal lines as they imitate each other's paths. But Palestrina often feels like a kindred spirit to the free flow of sound that emerged from 20th-century composers such as Cage and Ligeti. The stylistic distance from the dominant 18th- and 19th-century compositional traditions has often led to nods of recognition between the early-music and modern-music ghettos. Think about how that supposed 1950s enfant terrible Peter Maxwell Davies built compositions around Henry Purcell, or of David Munrow – the nearest thing the British early-music scene had to a rock star – recording Rattlebone and Ploughjack in 1976 with Ashley Hutchings of folksy rock group Fairport Convention. Christophers helps clarify the reasons for this closeness. Ligeti – who heard music as continuums of jittery, snaking texture – often noted in his scores that bar lines were strictly for the practicality of rehearsal so that musicians could find their place. Palestrina didn't use bars either, albeit because the convention didn't exist. Christophers tells me that modern editions come with added bar lines, but merely as a rehearsal guide, which leads me to ask about the material the Sixteen use to perform from. Is finding reliable sources the stuff of nightmares? 'In Victorian times, editors would take out clashes between major and minor chords, which was a real feature of his style, assuming they were a mistake,' he winces. 'Modern editions tend to be very good though. Some things singers would have done naturally back in the day, like automatically flattening or sharpening notes, because they knew the language of the music, mean that sometimes we must experiment: did he want A flat there? Or an A? But the thing I say to the choir more than anything else – never become a slave to the bar line. The shape of the words, that's what matters.' Kirsty Hopkins reminds me that this music has been part of the DNA of British choirs for centuries and that the key to successful Palestrina is twofold: breath and blend. Choirs like the Sixteen do use vibrato, but not in the manner of a Wagnerian singer. To hear that all-important weave, their vibrato must be finely mingled. 'Breathing properly means making sure we're heading for the right moment in a word. A word like 'Hallelujah', measured against the bar line could sound very square, but the point is to get the word stress right.' There's a whole PhD thesis to be written, you feel, on breath control in Palestrina, but both Christophers and Hopkins agree with my hunch that if singers are breathing in a natural way, determined by the words, then the music can start to breathe naturally across its structure. And Palestrina's music maps out the dimensions of those majestic acoustics, testament to, depending on how you hear it, the glory of physics – or God.


Spectator
6 hours ago
- Spectator
Admirable in their awfulness – the siblings Gus and Gwen John
'In 50 years' time,' Augustus John gloomily reflected following his sister's death on 18 September 1939, 'I will be known as the brother of Gwen John.' He was right. In 2004, when the Tate mounted a joint retrospective of Augustus and Gwen John, it was Gwen who had become the major artist. The 'variable strident chords' of the self-styled Gypsy King, likened in his youth to Michelangelo, Rembrandt and Raphael, had been supplanted by the 'sustained minor key' of the nunlike recluse. The first decades of the 20th century were what Virginia Woolf described as 'the Age of Augustus John'; but the praise lathered on him after his own death, aged 83, in 1961 – 'one of the greatest artists in British history', 'a man in the 50-megaton range', 'the last of the Titans' – now seems embarrassing. The reputation of Gus, as Gwen called him, with Judith Mackrell following suit in her absorbing dual biography, had been on the wane since the 1930s. In the 1940s he despaired that 'my work's not good enough'. 'I'm just a legend,' he said in the 1950s, 'I'm not a real person at all.' Again, he was right: Augustus John is remembered now for his flamboyant hats, gold earrings, open marriage and the 100 offspring he is rumoured to have sired. When he walked through Chelsea, it was said, he patted the head of every child he met in case it was one of his own. Aged 82, he wrote to one of his daughters, Amaryllis, that should she 'ever feel the need' to have a baby, 'just give me a nudge and I will do my best'. His suggestion, Mackrell comments, 'might have been judged goatish, or even outlandish, to an outsider', but to Amaryllis, 'it reflected only their private code'. The middle two of four children, Gwen and Gus were raised in the Welsh seaside town of Tenby, where they ran wild with their sketchbooks. Gwen was eight when their mother died in 1884, and Gus six. 'Mama's dead! Mama's dead!' the siblings chanted, charging through the house in a crazed state. The near-demented erotic pursuits of their adulthood were born from this early abandonment. A figure of 'vast carelessness', as Mackrell describes him, Gus was a man on the run, brawling and shagging, while Gwen, inward-looking and fearing attention, lived and painted in slow time. He was 6ft and lavishly handsome; she was a wiry and feral 5ft; he was agnostic and she was a Catholic; he chose a large metropolitan existence and she a small life in rural France. They would appear to observers like the tortoise and the hare, but on closer inspection they were, as Gus put it, 'much the same, really'. Gus described the force of his desire as 'a sort of paranoia or emotional hailstorm' It is the similarities that Mackrell draws out with her customary care. Cut from the same cloth, brother and sister were both monsters. Artists to the core, they were equally selfish, obsessive and dangerous to know, particularly if you had the misfortune to be loved by one of them. Gus described the force of his desire as 'a sort of paranoia or emotional hailstorm'; as soon as he was attracted to one woman, who invariably became his model, she would be 'immediately obliterated' by another. Gwen was less fickle, but more terrifying. Her passions for both men and women were similarly immediate and overwhelming, affecting her, as she put it, 'beyond reason'. She behaved like a stalker, besieging her love objects with daily letters, debasing herself, waiting on their every word. Even her mentor Rodin, with whom she was besotted for a decade, was afraid of her. His death in 1917 freed Gwen from her sickness, but her place in his life had been 'a secret so small', as Mackrell puts it, that she was not even invited tohis funeral. When Gus went to the Slade, aged 16, in 1894, Gwen followed suit, but only after a fight. Doors swung open for Gus, but everything Gwen did involved a struggle, initially with their father, Edwin. When he would not let her go to Paris to be taught by Whistler, Gwen marched round the house singing 'to Paris, to Paris' until he gave in. When Edwin then told her that she looked, in the white dress she had copied from a painting by Manet, like a prostitute, she excised him from her life. Included in the Paris trip was Ida Nettleship, Gwen's best friend at the Slade before she became Gus's wife when they were both aged 23. His maîtresse-en-titre, the beautiful and otherworldly Dorothy 'Dorelia' McNeill, was similarly stolen from Gwen, who then tried to steal her back when Dorelia joined her on a walking tour to Rome. The two women set off together, says Mackrell, like a 'giddy eloping couple', but there was what Dorelia called a 'hard and queer' quality to Gwen's character and, having got as far as Toulouse, she eloped instead with a Belgian called Leonard. No one was allowed to leave Gus, who importuned Dorelia to separate first from Gwen and then from Leonard, and live instead in 'wonderful concubinage' with himself and Ida. Gwen, with nothing left to lose, now sided with her brother. Even Ida, who wanted her freedom back, could see the benefits of including Dorelia in the household. Living with Gus, 'a mean and childish creature', was pushing her towards a breakdown. And so docile Dorelia, who did what others wanted her to do, returned to England and devoted the next 60 years to Gus and his spawn. When Ida died exhausted, aged 30, after giving birth to her sixth son, Dorelia (who died in 1969) took over the household, at which point this once radiant figure disappears from view. It is not surprising, given his raids on her emotions, that Gwen now cordoned herself off from Gus. Moving to France, she refused to visit her nephews and nieces in England or use the studio that Gus built for her in his garden. Family was everything to Gus, while for Gwen, 'the family has had its day. We don't go to Heaven in families now, but one by one'. Gwen behaved like a stalker, besieging her love objects with daily letters, waiting on their every word While Gus's unconventionality became a pose to sell his paintings, Gwen's refusal to conform to any socially acceptable female norm was the cost of competing as an artist on equal terms with men. He was greedy, but she was an extremophile. As a student, she was so poor that she would break into abandoned buildings in order to sleep. When she lost her adored cat, she slept in the forest. She died, aged 63, in Dieppe, where she had gone for an overnight stay without bringing any luggage. In the chaos of war, the cause of her death, which appears to have been starvation, was left unspecified on her death certificate, and the details of where she was buried were lost. Her friend Louise Roche described Gwen at the end as 'treating her body as though she was its executioner… To go to the doctor inconvenienced her, to take solid nourishment inconvenienced her'. As tough and implacable as a medieval saint, Gwen painted for God. Her pictures were 'prayers', not objects to be bought and displayed. Despairing of her unworldliness, her patron, the American collector John Quinn, despatched his mistress, Jeanne Robert Foster, to form a friendship with his elusive genius. 'All the pathetic dramatisation of life has fallen away,' Jeanne reported to Quinn. 'Gwen is real.' Her life, said Wyndham Lewis, was 'chaste and bare and sad'. Why, he wondered, had she kept herself 'so isolated from the influences of her age'? She influenced, however, our own age: the successor of Gwen John is Celia Paul. Gwen's intransigence and resolve, what Mackrell calls her 'stubborn grit', can be seen in her first self-portrait, painted in 1899-1900, when Gus and Ida were falling in love. Here was a woman, hand on hip, who would be no one's wife or mother, who saw anything but the most primitive domestic conditions as 'bourgeoise'. Gwen was not eccentric: she had a demon inside her. It is hard to tell, Mackrell says in her opening pages, if Gus and Gwen were 'admirable or awful'. By the end of this haunting book they seem admirable in their awfulness.


Time Out
8 hours ago
- Time Out
You can eat a tasting menu right on the NASCAR Chicago race track this summer
What's more thrilling than a high-speed NASCAR race? How about carb-loading right where the cars take off? This summer, Chicago Gourmet is rolling out one of its most daring (and delicious) experiences yet: a five-course Italian tasting menu served smack on the NASCAR Chicago Street Race track. On Wednesday, July 2, from 6 p.m. to 9 p.m., the race's start/finish line will transform into the city's most unexpected fine-dining venue, blending Michelin-caliber cuisine with pit-lane vibes. As part of the Chicago Gourmet Festival's new 'Culinary World Series,' the event marks a high-octane kickoff to the city's biggest food celebration and a once-in-a-lifetime chance to toast with wine where tires usually burn rubber. The chef lineup is stacked with Chicago stars, including Fabio Viviani (Siena Tavern, Bar Siena), Tony Priolo (Piccolo Sogno), Joe Frillman and Leigh Omilinsky (Daisies) and Steve Maak (Levy Restaurants). The night's theme: bold Italian flavors, dished out trackside with flair. Diners can expect signature race-day cocktails from Jose Cuervo (the official tequila of the NASCAR Chicago Street Race, naturally) and a "Cup Series" of wine pairings from legendary Italian winery Marchesi Antinori. There's even an emcee—culinary personality, Catherine De Orio—to steer the evening along. Tickets cost $250 per person, and proceeds benefit the Illinois Restaurant Association Educational Foundation, a nonprofit organization that supports the state's hospitality workforce. This isn't Chicago Gourmet's only sports-forward event this year. Friday, July 25, brings a Duck Dog face-off at the Crosstown Classic, and Wednesday, August 20 features led by chefs from Virtue.