Jaishankar urges ‘continued normalisation' of ties between India and China
Six years after the last Kailash Mansarovar yatra (pilgrimage) was held, the journy was restarted recently last month.
'It is a pleasure to be with you during my visit for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Foreign Ministers meeting. India supports a successful Chinese presidency at the SCO,' he said.
The External Affairs Minister also said the bilateral relationship between India and China has been steadily improving since the meeting between Prime Minister Modi and President Xi Jinping in Kazan last October. 'I am confident that my discussions in this visit will maintain that positive trajectory,' he added.
The international situation is very complex. As neighbouring nations and major economies, an open exchange of views and perspectives between India and China is very important, Mr. Jaishankar said.
The Meeting of the Council of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the SCO will be held in Tianjin on July 15. The SCO comprises 10 member states — China, Russia, India, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Belarus.
Mr. Jaishankar's visit follows the recent visits of Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval to China.
China is the current chair of the SCO and it is hosting the meetings of the grouping in that capacity.
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In charts: The red flags behind the $40 billion electronics exports
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Over the decades, the BMS has played a vital role in transforming India's labour sector Dattopant Thengadiji, the founder of Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS), often remarked that BMS was a 'Sangh Srushti" – a creation of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). He founded the organisation under the able guidance of Guruji Golwalkar, the second Sarsanghchalak of the RSS. Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh was the last of the major central trade union organisations to be formed, after AITUC, INTUC, HMS, and others. Yet, within just 34 years, it rose to become the largest Central Trade Union in the country. Throughout its journey, the BMS championed issues often ignored by other unions. India has a rich tradition of a powerful trade union movement. Much of the progress and rights enjoyed by workers today are the result of tireless struggles led by towering figures like Mahatma Gandhi, Dr BR Ambedkar, and Dattopant Thengadiji, who were also eminent leaders of the trade union movement. The BMS has been at the forefront in ensuring decent wages and working conditions for the workers. But it always thought beyond bread and butter. It has been distinguished by its deeply nationalist character. Its rallying call in the labour sector was 'Nationalise the Labour'. It firmly rejected both 'political unionism" and mere 'bread and butter trade unionism". In negotiations, the BMS advocated not just for the workers but considered society at large as a third and most critical stakeholder in all industrial matters, apart from workers and employers. While striving for better wages and improved working conditions, the BMS consistently emphasised that workers' efforts must contribute meaningfully to nation-building. This balancing vision was captured in its inspiring slogan: 'Desh ke hit mein karenge kaam, kaam ke lenge poore daam' ('We shall work in the nation's interest, and receive full wages for our work'). In times of national crisis, the BMS consistently called upon Indian labour to rise in service of the nation. During the Chinese aggression in 1962, the Indo-Pak wars of 1965 and 1971, and the liberation of Bangladesh, the BMS mobilised like-minded trade unions to form the Rashtriya Mazdoor Morcha to support the government's war efforts. It also suspended all protests and demands during these periods. True to its cultural roots, the BMS has promoted a trade union movement grounded in the Bharatiya ethos. It celebrates Vishwakarma Jayanti on September 17 as National Labour Day—an alternative to May Day. May Day is observed in remembrance of a failed struggle that ultimately weakened the trade union movement in the United States, where the events associated with May Day originally took place. In India, Vishwakarma symbolises the dignity and noble status of labour in society. Today, several states officially observe a holiday on this day. Landmark contributions in the service of labour The BMS has been at the forefront of many groundbreaking labour reforms. Wages constitute the most critical element in fulfilling the economic aspirations of the labour. The BMS was the first to critically study and expose flaws in the calculation of the Consumer Price Index (CPI), the basis for determining Dearness Allowance. Despite initial opposition from other unions like INTUC and HMS, who later came to endorse it, the movement gained momentum, culminating in a successful Mumbai Bandh on 20th August 1963. The government eventually appointed the Lakdawala Committee to revise CPI methodology. The BMS championed the principle that the bonus is a deferred wage, advocating the slogan 'Bonus for All" – a position later adopted by all major stakeholders in the labour sector. The First National Commission on Labour, chaired by Justice Gajendragadkar, was established in 1967. The BMS made an exhaustive submission before the Commission outlining a comprehensive set of demands for the welfare of labour. In 1971, the BMS took up the issue of domestic workers, recognising that they lacked both legal protection and formal recognition within the labour framework. The BMS established the Gharelu Kamgar Sangh in Mumbai. A massive rally of around 60,000 domestic workers took place during BMS's third national conference on 22-23 May 1972. In 1974, the Bharatiya Railway Mazdoor Sangh played a pivotal role in the national railway strike along with other unions. While some other unions contemplated damaging national property during the strike, the BMS firmly insisted that the strike be carried out without harming any national assets. The struggle continued without causing any loss of national property. A voice of resistance in times of oppression On July 26, 1976, Indira Gandhi imposed the Emergency. In response, the Lok Sangarsh Samiti was formed, and a joint circular was issued by BMS, CITU, HMS, and HMKP. While leaders of other central trade unions were later afraid and reluctant to continue the agitation against the autocratic rule, the BMS took to the streets, resulting in the arrest of more than 5,000 of its activists, with around 111 imprisoned under the oppressive MISA law. The courageous resistance and the sacrifices made by the BMS during the Emergency won the confidence of workers across the country. It led to a period of growth for the organisation after the Emergency was lifted in 1977. Representing the BMS for the first time, Thengadiji attended the 63rd session of the International Labour Conference of the ILO in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1977 as part of the Indian delegation. By 1980, the BMS was declared the second-largest Central Trade Union in the country by the Congress Government, next to INTUC. Following this, the BMS was officially included in every Indian trade union delegation to international conferences and forums such as the ILO. Finally, based on the 1989 verification conducted by the then Congress government, the BMS was declared the largest central trade union in the country by the same Government. Consequently, in the 1990s, the BMS was entrusted with the responsibility of leading Indian delegations to the ILO and other international forums. By 1980, the Government officially recognised the BMS as the second-largest central trade union, after INTUC. Following the 1989 verification conducted by the Congress government, the BMS was declared the largest central trade union in the country. From the 1990s onwards, the BMS began leading Indian delegations to global labour fora, including the ILO. In 1980, leaders from various trade unions were invited to participate in the Viswakarma Jayanti celebrations, which BMS observed as Labour Day. On June 4, 1981, a National Campaign Committee comprising eight Central Trade Unions and National Industrial Federations, including the BMS, was formed to counter the government's flawed anti-labour policies. In 1986, 10 central trade unions once again united to form a common platform to address broader issues such as national unity, disarmament, and racial discrimination. The BMS welcomed this initiative and played a leading role in these activities with the vision of advancing world peace and harmony. During its seventh national conference in 1984, held in Hyderabad, BMS declared a 'War of Economic Independence Against Imperialism.' Technology, yes, but not at the cost of jobs The BMS firmly believes that technology and machines should assist, not replace, human workers. Given India's status as a labour-surplus country, the BMS asserts that technologies should be 'adapted' to suit Indian conditions rather than 'adopted' in their original form, as uncritical adoption may adversely impact employment. In line with this, the 1981 Hyderabad conference resolved to observe 1984 as 'Anti-Computerisation Year' in protest against labour-displacing devices. However, the BMS did not object to the use of computers in complex domains such as research, defence, meteorology, oceanography and the like. It also demanded a Round Table Conference involving all stakeholders to deliberate on the job-displacing impacts of computerisation, particularly in sectors like banking. Four decades later, the world is once again engaged in the same debate, raising similar concerns and arguments in response to the growing spread of artificial intelligence and robotics. The BMS has adopted a distinctive policy of 'responsive co-operation" toward successive governments, regardless of political affiliation. Replacing class conflict with harmony On the international front, the BMS replaced the class-divisive Communist slogan 'Workers of the World, Unite!' with its message of harmony: 'Workers, Unite the World!' The BMS has maintained positive relationships with global trade union movements. Notably, the BMS was invited as a special guest to the pro-Communist Conference of the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) in Moscow in November 1991. At this conference, Prabhakar Ghate presented before the World, the BMS's apolitical ideals for a genuine trade union movement. When the ILO proposed incorporating a social clause in trade agreements with developing countries, the BMS strongly opposed the move. The social clause, which aimed to prohibit imports from countries allegedly using child labour, would have jeopardised export prospects for nations like India and Nepal. The then BMS representative, R Venugopal, mobilised many developing nations against it. To empower women workers, the BMS established its women's wing during the 1981 conference in Kolkata. In April 1994, the Sarvapanth Samadar Manch was founded to foster religious harmony in India's diverse cultural landscape. In 1995, the 'Paryavaran Manch' was launched to address rising environmental concerns, such as the rising levels of industrial pollution and their adverse effects. The initiative championed the Bharatiya ethos that 'Mother Nature should be milked, not exploited'. To safeguard the nation's economic interests in global forums, the BMS organised a massive rally on April 16, 2001 at Ram Lila Grounds in New Delhi, attended by lakhs of workers. The rally highlighted the potential dangers of blindly following WTO policies, with the slogan: 'WTO Modo, Todo, Ya Chodo (Change WTO, Break It, or Quit It)'. The BMS regards labour as the true capital and promotes the concept of 'Labourisation of Industry'. This approach was successfully piloted in Calcutta Jute Mills and other industries for a considerable period. Labourisation encompasses three components: a share in capital investment, participation in management, and proportional profit sharing. The BMS asserted that labour participation should go beyond tokenism on boards of directors; workers should be prioritised in the allotment of company shares and in the distribution of profits. The Vajpeyi Government constituted the Second National Commission on Labour under the chairmanship of Ravindra Verma. While leftist trade unions boycotted the commission, the BMS submitted a comprehensive memorandum addressing labour's varied needs in June 2001. When the commission made anti-worker recommendations on eight key issues, Saji Narayanan CK, a member of the Commission and representative of the BMS, submitted a dissenting note that drew widespread attention in labour circles. One media outlet wrote, the dissenting note of BMS would be remembered more than the Commission's report itself. A leader in modern labour movements On November 23, 2011, the BMS held a historic rally in Delhi, attended by nearly 2 lakh workers, which was an unprecedented show of strength in recent decades. In that event, BMS declared the beginning of a sustained agitation. The show of strength inspired other trade unions, and on the very next day, their leaders came to the BMS office to plan joint actions, accepting the leadership of BMS. Two nationwide strikes followed on 28th March 2012 and 20-21 February 2013, by all the central Trade Unions together under BMS leadership. These actions had a significant impact, drawing serious attention from the government, employers, media and all those related to labour. For the first time, then Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh directly intervened at the eleventh hour and appointed a group of four ministers to engage with trade unions and address their demands. During the Indian Labour Conference held in Delhi on May 17, 2013, the Prime Minister openly recognised the demands of trade unions, rekindling hope and enthusiasm among workers across the country. The 46th Indian Labour Conference, held on July 20-21, 2015 after a gap of more than two years, marked a turning point amid turbulent labour conditions. During the conference, in a committee on 'Labour Law Reforms' chaired by the BMS representative, all three social partners — employers' organisations, the 11 central trade unions, and government representatives from both the Centre and the States — unanimously agreed upon three foundational pillars for all future labour legislations: (i) the rights and welfare of workers; (ii) the sustainability of enterprises and job creation; and (iii) industrial peace. When the four Labour Codes were in the drafting stage, a team of BMS activists actively participated in the Government's consultation process, while other Central Trade Unions belonging to opposition parties chose to boycott it. As a result of BMS's proactive engagement, several major pro-labour reforms, particularly steps toward the universalisation of labour benefits, were successfully incorporated into the Codes. However, certain clauses still contain provisions that remain a cause of serious concern. Thus, the Code on Wages and the Code on Social Security are considered historic and revolutionary in many respects. Nevertheless, BMS remains committed to its ongoing struggle to amend the anti-worker provisions in the remaining two Codes. Under the leadership of BMS, the Central Trade Unions raised a 12-point joint Charter of Demands (as revised on June 24, 2014) before the Government and declared a national strike on September 2, 2015. In response, the Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi, constituted a Group of Five Ministers, led by Finance Minister Shri Arun Jaitley, to engage in wide-ranging consultations with all 11 Central Trade Unions regarding the demands. These consultations were held on August 26 and 27, 2015. After extensive discussions, the Government took a historic step by either fully or partially accepting nearly 10 out of the 12 demands. Emphasising the critical role of trade unions, the Finance Minister assured all Central Trade Unions that any labour law reforms would be undertaken only after thorough tripartite consultations. In light of the Government's proactive efforts to address the Charter of Demands, BMS decided to postpone the strike. However, the central trade unions affiliated with opposition political parties chose to proceed with the strike, despite the majority of demands having been accepted. The strike, without the participation of the BMS, failed to make any significant impact. This development marked a clear separation between 'labour welfare" and 'labour politics." Since then, opposition trade unions have continued to organise frequent politically motivated strikes ceremoniously, without BMS involvement and without making any meaningful impact on the labour landscape. During 2015-2016, the International Labour Organization (ILO) undertook a historic initiative to 'formalise the informal sector", conducting two years of global discussions on the matter. BMS delegate Shri Saji Narayanan C.K. was selected to represent the Asia-Pacific region in the ILO Workers' Group Steering Team for the two year period. He was invited to attend the key preparatory meeting of the workers' team held in Copenhagen, organised by the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), ahead of the ILO Conference. In 2020–21, while the world was in the grip of the COVID-19 pandemic, BMS carried out one of the largest service initiatives in the history of the trade union movement. District-level helplines were established, and extensive service activities were carried out at the grassroots level across the country. Tragically, the BMS lost around 600 of its senior activists in the process. BRICS and L20: An Indian voice in the global labour arena The BMS has also taken on a new role in global leadership. In 2016, for the first time, the BMS assumed the Presidency of the BRICS Trade Union Forum. The BRICS conference held in India that year received high praise from international delegates for its organisation and hospitality. In 2021, amid the pandemic, the BRICS TUF conference was once again held, this time online, under BMS's presidency. The year 2023 was a significant milestone as India hosted the G20 Summit under the Presidency of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Labour20 (L20), one of the key verticals of the summit, was chaired by BMS as India's largest central trade union. The L20 conference saw participation from representatives of 20+9 countries, making it the most widely represented L20 event to date. During both the BRICS and L20 conferences, the BMS proposed the idea of universalisation (antyodaya) of labour benefits, an idea that received unanimous appreciation and endorsement from all participating countries. During the Indo-Pak conflict in May 2025, the BMS declared its unwavering support for the soldiers guarding the nation's borders. Towards Antyodaya: A future to be built on firm foundations Today, the BMS comprises over 5,700 unions spanning approximately 60 labour sectors. These have been consolidated into 42 all-India federations active across diverse domains. Going forward, India will face two critical challenges in its labour sector: the vast size of the unorganised sector and the growing trend of contractualisation within the organised sector. India, unfortunately, holds the ignominious distinction of having the world's largest unorganised labour force. According to government statistics, 93.7% of the working population is in unorganised sector, falling outside the protection of labour laws and social security frameworks. Moreover, the increasing use of contract labour within the organised sector has created a vast number of 'islands" of unorganized labour within it. A stagnant manufacturing sector further pressured by the influx of Chinese goods and a non-profitable agricultural economy have placed a disproportionate burden on the already falling real wage levels and deteriorating working conditions of Indian labour. At its 2011 Jalgaon conference, the BMS resolved to focus all efforts on addressing issues in the unorganised sector by launching two key initiatives: 'March to Villages' and 'Organise the Unorganised'. The BMS has established a separate wing for unorganised workers, coordinated by senior members and supported by 12 national-level federations. Among them is the Akhil Bharatiya Vanvasi Gramin Mazdoor Mahasangh, one of the largest tribal federations, actively working in Madhya Pradesh and surrounding states. A nation cannot claim development while the majority of its working population languishes in low economic standards, poverty and vulnerability. Therefore, the BMS has steadfastly promoted the philosophy of antyodaya—upliftment of the last worker—as an essential component of its foundational ideology, Ekatma Manav Darshan'. The Bharatiya social order envisioned by Thengadi was deeply rooted in this concept. top videos View all Over the decades, the BMS has played a vital role in transforming India's labour sector and will continue this struggle until the vision of antyodaya is fully realised. Saji Narayanan CK is Former President, Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 22, 2025, 18:24 IST News opinion Opinion | Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh: A Legacy Of 70 Years, A Future Of Hope Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Mint
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Both times he sent Premier Li Qiang, one of Xi's top lieutenants, to represent Beijing. Meanwhile, a China-European Union summit originally set to take place in Brussels this year was moved to Beijing after Chinese officials signaled to EU counterparts that Xi had no plans to visit Europe this year, according to a person with knowledge of the matter. Xi is scheduled to meet EU leaders in Beijing on Thursday when they visit for the summit. Chinese officials haven't explained why Xi chose not to travel for these events, or commented on his reduced foreign visits. China's Foreign Ministry didn't respond to a request for comment. Some analysts say Xi, 72, may be dialing back his travels to devolve some of the many responsibilities he wields as leader, particularly as he grows older and approaches the end of his third five-year term as Communist Party chief in 2027. 'Xi is increasingly willing to delegate the operational bits of foreign policy to his trusted interlocutors," said Dylan Loh, an assistant professor at Singapore's Nanyang Technological University who studies China's diplomacy. Xi may be doing so to better manage his energy, given his age, and to prioritize domestic issues as Beijing grapples with persistent economic headwinds such as weak consumer demand, according to Loh. 'China is certainly not taking its eyes off foreign policy," Loh said. 'But it seems to me that Xi is now content with exercising broad strategic direction and while selectively choosing his trips abroad." Since taking power in 2012, Xi has used his foreign excursions to expand China's economic and political reach around the globe—and stamp his mark as a world leader. These trips have often come with promises of infrastructure investment and deeper trade ties, aimed at positioning Beijing as a benign partner and strategic counterweight to Washington. More recently, China is also trying to capitalize on what many see as a U.S. retreat from global leadership, marked by President Trump's moves to cut foreign aid, sideline multilateral institutions and impose tariffs on adversaries and allies alike. Xi has sought to cast China as a responsible power and a source of stability, using a mix of political, economic and soft-power tools to reshape global narratives in Beijing's favor. To that end, Xi has stayed active on the diplomatic circuit—as a host. China lifted its Covid border controls in late 2022, and foreign leaders have been traveling there at a frequency similar to prepandemic levels. In 2023, Xi hosted at least 74 visits by foreign heads of state and government, as well as de facto leaders, according to a Wall Street Journal review of Chinese Foreign Ministry disclosures. The count, which includes repeat visits by some leaders, rose to 84 last year, compared with the average of about 76 trips that Xi hosted annually between 2013 and 2019. Xi has welcomed leaders from more than a dozen countries so far this year, including Australia's prime minister, who visited Beijing this month. Xi is expected to host more foreign counterparts visiting China later this year to attend diplomatic summits and a military parade. Xi's lieutenants have picked up the slack in foreign travel. Li, during his first full year as premier in 2024, journeyed abroad at a pace similar to that set by his predecessor, Li Keqiang, before the pandemic. Li Qiang traveled to 13 countries last year, matching the number that Li Keqiang visited in his most prolific year in 2014. Another frequent flier is Liu Jianchao, a veteran diplomat and chief of the Communist Party's International Department, which handles relations with foreign political parties and socialist states. A candidate for foreign minister, Liu has traveled more often than his predecessor did since getting the job in 2022, including trips to the U.S. and other Western democracies that past International Department chiefs generally hadn't visited. As China's leader, Xi has embarked on more than 50 international trips and visited more than 70 countries, far surpassing what his predecessors did. He has also hosted visiting world leaders more frequently than previous Chinese heads of state or recent U.S. presidents, according to data collated by Neil Thomas, a fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute. The Covid pandemic kept Xi in China between 2020 and 2022. During that time, he mostly relied on phone calls and videoconferencing to engage with foreign counterparts. When he restarted international travel in late 2022, Xi first visited nearby countries in Asia before venturing further in subsequent trips. Xi's evolving travel patterns drew attention in the fall of 2023, when he skipped a summit of the Group of 20 advanced and developing economies that India was hosting. He sent Premier Li instead. Chinese officials didn't say why Xi missed an event where he had been a regular participant. China had typically been represented by its president at G-20 summits since the bloc began arranging leader-level meetings in 2008. In early July, when Xi skipped the Brics summit, Li filled in at the meeting in Brazil, where Xi had gone just seven months earlier to attend a G-20 summit and conduct a state visit. Diplomats and analysts say that Xi's decision to skip a Brics summit is notable given his efforts to boost the relevance of multilateral groupings where China holds greater sway, compared with institutions such as G-20, which Beijing has portrayed as too beholden to the U.S. The Brics group—named after its early members of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa—has presented itself as a multilateral counterweight to a U.S.-dominated world order. 'Physical stamina is a precious political resource, and Xi knows it. As Xi grows older, he is carefully managing his travel to preserve his strength," said Thomas, the fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute. 'Skipping the Brics summit in Brazil likely had less to do with geopolitics and more with jet lag. A 48-hour round-trip for a two-day meeting just was not worth the physical toll." Write to Chun Han Wong at
