
AI agents are here. Here's what to know about what they can do – and how they can go wrong
The latest hot product is OpenAI's ChatGPT agent. This combines two pre-existing products (Operator and Deep Research) into a single more powerful system which, according to the developer, 'thinks and acts'.
These new systems represent a step up from earlier AI tools. Knowing how they work and what they can do – as well as their drawbacks and risks – is rapidly becoming essential.
ChatGPT launched the chatbot era in November 2022, but despite its huge popularity the conversational interface limited what could be done with the technology.
Enter the AI assistant, or copilot. These are systems built on top of the same large language models that power generative AI chatbots, only now designed to carry out tasks with human instruction and supervision.
Agents are another step up. They are intended to pursue goals (rather than just complete tasks) with varying degrees of autonomy, supported by more advanced capabilities such as reasoning and memory.
Multiple AI agent systems may be able to work together, communicating with each other to plan, schedule, decide and coordinate to solve complex problems.
Agents are also 'tool users' as they can also call on software tools for specialised tasks – things such as web browsers, spreadsheets, payment systems and more.
A year of rapid development
Agentic AI has felt imminent since late last year. A big moment came last October, when Anthropic gave its Claude chatbot the ability to interact with a computer in much the same way a human does. This system could search multiple data sources, find relevant information and submit online forms.
Other AI developers were quick to follow. OpenAI released a web browsing agent named Operator, Microsoft announced Copilot agents, and we saw the launch of Google's Vertex AI and Meta's Llama agents.
Earlier this year, the Chinese startup Monica demonstrated its Manus AI agent buying real estate and converting lecture recordings into summary notes. Another Chinese startup, Genspark, released a search engine agent that returns a single-page overview (similar to what Google does now) with embedded links to online tasks such as finding the best shopping deals. Another startup, Cluely, offers a somewhat unhinged 'cheat at anything' agent that has gained attention but is yet to deliver meaningful results.
Not all agents are made for general-purpose activity. Some are specialised for particular areas.
Coding and software engineering are at the vanguard here, with Microsoft's Copilot coding agent and OpenAI's Codex among the frontrunners. These agents can independently write, evaluate and commit code, while also assessing human-written code for errors and performance lags.
Search, summarisation and more
One core strength of generative AI models is search and summarisation. Agents can use this to carry out research tasks that might take a human expert days to complete.
OpenAI's Deep Research tackles complex tasks using multi-step online research. Google's AI 'co-scientist' is a more sophisticated multi-agent system that aims to help scientists generate new ideas and research proposals.
Agents can do more – and get more wrong
Despite the hype, AI agents come loaded with caveats. Both Anthropic and OpenAI, for example, prescribe active human supervision to minimise errors and risks.
OpenAI also says its ChatGPT agent is 'high risk' due to potential for assisting in the creation of biological and chemical weapons. However, the company has not published the data behind this claim so it is difficult to judge.
But the kind of risks agents may pose in real-world situations are shown by Anthropic's Project Vend. Vend assigned an AI agent to run a staff vending machine as a small business – and the project disintegrated into hilarious yet shocking hallucinations and a fridge full of tungsten cubes instead of food.
In another cautionary tale, a coding agent deleted a developer's entire database, later saying it had 'panicked'.
Nevertheless, agents are already finding practical applications.
In 2024, Telstra heavily deployed Microsoft copilot subscriptions. The company says AI-generated meeting summaries and content drafts save staff an average of 1–2 hours per week.
Many large enterprises are pursuing similar strategies. Smaller companies too are experimenting with agents, such as Canberra-based construction firm Geocon's use of an interactive AI agent to manage defects in its apartment developments.
At present, the main risk from agents is technological displacement. As agents improve, they may replace human workers across many sectors and types of work. At the same time, agent use may also accelerate the decline of entry-level white-collar jobs.
People who use AI agents are also at risk. They may rely too much on the AI, offloading important cognitive tasks. And without proper supervision and guardrails, hallucinations, cyberattacks and compounding errors can very quickly derail an agent from its task and goals into causing harm, loss and injury.
The true costs are also unclear. All generative AI systems use a lot of energy, which will in turn affect the price of using agents – especially for more complex tasks.
Learn about agents – and build your own
Despite these ongoing concerns, we can expect AI agents will become more capable and more present in our workplaces and daily lives. It's not a bad idea to start using (and perhaps building) agents yourself, and understanding their strengths, risks and limitations.
For the average user, agents are most accessible through Microsoft copilot studio. This comes with inbuilt safeguards, governance and an agent store for common tasks.
For the more ambitious, you can build your own AI agent with just five lines of code using the Langchain framework. (The Conversation) NSA NSA

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
&w=3840&q=100)

First Post
10 minutes ago
- First Post
Marcos in India on first state visit day after joint maritime drill near South China Sea
Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr embarks on a five-day visit to India. The trip coincides with both nations launching their first joint maritime exercises in the South China Sea amid Chinese aggression read more Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr delivers his fourth State of the Nation Address (SONA), at the House of Representatives, in Quezon City, Metro Manila, Philippines, July 28, 2025. File Image/Reuters Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos embarks on a four-day visit to India today, coinciding with both nations launching their first joint maritime drills in the contentious South China Sea. What makes the visit significant is the fact that this is Marcos's first state visit to India. Philippine authorities noted that Marcos's trip would aim to deepen diplomatic and economic ties between the two countries at a time when uncertainties have taken over the international arena. The trip through Friday comes at the invitation of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD During his four-day visit, Marcos Jr will hold talks with Indian President Droupadi Murmu, Prime Minister Modi, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, and Health Minister J P Nadda. He will meet the external affairs minister on August 4, and on the next day, he will be laying a wreath at Raj Ghat before holding bilateral talks with the PM in Heydrabad House. India, Philippines launch monumental Maritime Drills It is pertinent to note that the Philippine president's visit to New Delhi comes as his country conducts its first joint maritime exercises in the South China Sea, amid growing Chinese aggression in the region. The joint drills, dubbed 'maritime cooperative activity,' will be held starting Aug. 3 as visiting Indian naval ships depart Manila harbour. 'This historic visit of the Indian naval ships and the upcoming maiden maritime cooperation activity collectively set a positive tone for the state visit of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to India next week, underscoring the deepening partnership and expanding cooperation between our two nations,' said Philippine national security officials, diplomats, defense attaches, and other guests, at a reception aboard the INS Shakti (A57) on July 31. The Indian Navy ships guided missile destroyer INS Delhi (D61), fleet tanker INS Shakti and anti-submarine warfare corvette INS Kiltan (P30) were docked in Manila on July 30 for a port visit. Meanwhile, Surveillance ship INS Sandhayak (Yard 3025) arrived in the Philippine capital on August 1. 'The visit of the Indian naval ships to the Philippines is a powerful testament to the enduring friendship and growing maritime cooperation between the two countries. It also symbolises our shared commitment to the freedom of navigation and a free, open and rules-based Indo-Pacific region,' Jain said. In light of this, Armed Forces of the Philippines chief Gen. Romeo Brawner Jr. described the upcoming 'coordinated patrol' as 'a clear demonstration of our mutual resolve to safeguard freedom of navigation and uphold the law of the sea.' It is important to note that the island nation has carried out similar patrols with the United States, Australia, Japan, France and Canada. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 'As we stand watch over a region vital to global trade and security, we do not do so in isolation, but in partnership with nations who share our values,' General Brawner Jr averred. Defence ties between India and the Philippines have been strong for decades. This can be reflected by the fact that the Philippines was the first overseas customer to receive the BrahMos missile system from India for a contract worth $374.9 million in January 2022.


Indian Express
40 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Shyam Saran writes: India has to stand up to Trump
Donald Trump was supposed to be good for India in his second presidency, and many rooted for him during the US presidential elections. He has turned out to be a nightmare. Trump has not only unleashed a trade war, but is also deploying commercial instruments for geopolitical ends. He has bluntly declared that trade will now be used to compel countries to bend to the US's will. Resistance will invite penalties. Trump is not only targeting India on its trade surplus and alleged high tariffs but threatening penalties on our pursuing relations with Russia, with Iran and our membership of the BRICS plus. We cannot treat his actions as only driven by trade. These actions threaten India's core interests, its ability to follow a policy of strategic autonomy, which every government, irrespective of its political colour, has remained wedded to since Independence. We have enjoyed international credibility and respect precisely for our adherence to this policy and our willingness to go it alone, if necessary, to uphold our national interest. We should not treat the current disruption in India-US relations as just a trade dispute. It is much more than that. What he has inflicted on India is of a piece with his 50 per cent tariff on Brazil for the indictment of its former President Jair Bolsonaro through a legal process. It would be interesting to see whether he will slap similar tariffs and penalties on China for continuing to buy Russian oil or for supporting Palestine. Or for continuing to trade with Iran, including its large purchases of Iranian oil. If he ducks that, in the case of China, it would be apparent that Trump's reluctance to confront China is more because Beijing refuses to be bullied. China's exposure to the US market is much greater than India's. India-US trade volume in goods and services in 2024-25 was $186 billion, and this represents just over 10 per cent of our total external trade volume. US-China trade in goods was worth $582.4 billion in 2024, according to the US Trade Representative's office, with US exports at $143.5 billion and imports from China at $438.9 billion. If the size of the trade surplus a country has with the US and access to the Chinese market are factors, then China should be Trump's number one target. But he has backed down in the face of Chinese restrictions on rare metals and magnets, which are critical to the US high-tech and defence sectors. While China knows it will be seriously hit by high US tariffs and sanctions, it is willing to suffer the pain because, being a bully itself, it is aware of the downside to submitting to bullying by others. What are the options open to India? The first order of business is to recognise that under Trump, India-US relations are becoming progressively adversarial. Submitting to his exaggerated demands, which are now political as well as economic, would severely undermine India's national interests. We cannot give any country a veto over which countries India should or should not partner with. While we should continue to remain engaged in trade negotiations and aim for a deal which brings mutual and not one-sided benefits, we should firmly reject diktats on how India should run its foreign policy. Two, the very strong Indo-US cooperation that has been built up in the past two decades in intelligence cooperation, defence hardware supply and co-production and high technology cooperation, is still largely untouched. These are most valuable to India and should not be negatively impacted by any action on the Indian side. Three, there may be analysts of the Realist School who advise submission to Trump's bullying tactics so as to assuage his ego and win peace. This would be damaging in the long run. Bullies treat each act of submission as a cause for demanding even greater obeisance the next time around. Do we want to be caught up in this attrition process? Resisting now and suffering some pain will avoid much greater pain in the future. Four, we seem to underestimate our staying power. As a much weaker country, economically and militarily, India was ready to stand alone when its vital interests were threatened. In 1968, it refused to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) despite immense pressure from the then superpowers, the US and the Soviet Union. We refused to adhere to a blatantly discriminatory Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban treaty in 1995 despite being a lone holdout. In climate change negotiations, we held our ground that the Rio Convention provisions must be upheld until we ourselves resiled from our principled position and accepted the Paris Climate agreement in 2015, which we now see observed more in the breach by its then apostolic champions. This experience should alert us to the danger of acquiescing to unfair and discriminatory bargains. India has always been regarded with respect for its courage to stand up for its convictions. Most developing countries still take their cue from India. We carry credibility with them. This provides India with a significant diplomatic ballast. We should recognise and value this asset, which is undermined if we keep talking about being at the high table and consorting with top global leaders. India should never sacrifice its material interests for the symbolic status of being at the high table. There will certainly be pain in resisting Trump, but we should be prepared to endure it. The people of India have in the past and will in the future be ready to accept sacrifice in the national interest and support a leader who makes that appeal. It is estimated that India's GDP growth will suffer a reduction of 2 percentage points from Trump's tariff tantrum. This is a small price to pay for upholding India's larger interests. India is to host the Quad summit later this year with a Trump visit. If the US backs out from the meeting, that will imply that Indian assumptions about the Quad being an anchor of Washington's Indo-Pacific strategy may also have to be revised. One is aware that other Quad partners are seriously considering such a possibility. The writer is a former foreign secretary
&w=3840&q=100)

Business Standard
an hour ago
- Business Standard
China pushes back at US demands to stop buying Russian, Iranian oil
US and Chinese officials may be able to settle many of their differences to reach a trade deal and avert punishing tariffs, but they remain far apart on one issue: the US demand that China stop purchasing oil from Iran and Russia. "China will always ensure its energy supply in ways that serve our national interests," China's Foreign Ministry posted on X on Wednesday, following two days of trade negotiations in Stockholm, responding to the US threat of a 100 per cent tariff. "Coercion and pressuring will not achieve anything. China will firmly defend its sovereignty, security and development interests," the ministry said. The response is notable at a time when both Beijing and Washington are signalling optimism and goodwill about reaching a deal to keep commercial ties between the world's two largest economies stable -- after climbing down from sky-high tariffs and harsh trade restrictions. It underscores China's confidence in playing hardball when dealing with the Trump administration, especially when trade is linked to its energy and foreign policies. US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, emerging from the talks, told reporters that when it comes to Russian oil purchases, the "Chinese take their sovereignty very seriously". "We do not want to impede on their sovereignty, so they would like to pay a 100 per cent tariff," Bessent said. On Thursday, he called the Chinese tough negotiators, but said China's pushback has not stalled the negotiations. "I believe that we have the makings of a deal," Bessent told CNBC. Gabriel Wildau, managing director of the consultancy Teneo, said he doubts President Donald Trump would actually deploy the 100 per cent tariff. "Realising those threats would derail all the recent progress and probably kill any chance" for Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping to announce a trade deal if they should meet this fall, Wildau said. In seeking to restrict oil sales by Russia and Iran, a major source of revenue for both countries, the US wants to reduce the funding available for their militaries, as Moscow pursues its war against Ukraine and Tehran funds militant groups across the Middle East. China plays hardball When Trump unveiled a sweeping plan for tariffs on dozens of countries in April, China was the only country that retaliated. It refused to give in to US pressure. "If the US is bent on imposing tariffs, China will fight to the end, and this is China's consistent official stance," said Tu Xinquan, director of the China Institute for WTO Studies at the University of International Business and Economics in Beijing. WTO is the acronym for the World Trade Organization. Negotiating tactics aside, China may also suspect that the US will not follow through on its threat, questioning the importance Trump places on countering Russia, Tu said. Scott Kennedy, senior adviser and trustee chair in Chinese Business and Economics at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, said Beijing is unlikely to change its posture when it sees inconsistencies in US foreign policy goals toward Russia and Iran, whereas Beijing's policy support for Moscow is consistent and clear. It is also possible that Beijing may want to use it as another negotiating tool to extract more concessions from Trump, Kennedy said. Danny Russel, a distinguished fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute, said Beijing now sees itself as "the one holding the cards in its struggle with Washington". He said Trump has made it clear he wants a "headline-grabbing deal" with Xi, "so rejecting a US demand to stop buying oil from Iran or Russia is probably not seen as a deal-breaker, even if it generates friction and a delay". Continuing to buy oil from Russia preserves Xi's "strategic solidarity" with Russian President Vladimir Putin and significantly reduces the economic costs for China, Russel said. "Beijing simply cannot afford to walk away from the oil from Russia and Iran," he said. "It is too important a strategic energy supply, and Beijing is buying it at fire-sale prices." China depends on oil from Russia and Iran A 2024 report by the US Energy Information Administration estimates that roughly 80 per cent to 90 per cent of the oil exported by Iran went to China. The Chinese economy benefits from the more than one million (10 lakh) barrels of Iranian oil it imports per day. After the Iranian parliament floated a plan to shut down the Strait of Hormuz in June following US strikes on Iran's nuclear facilities, China spoke out against closing the critical oil transit route. China also is an important customer for Russia, but is second to India in buying Russian seaborne crude oil exports. In April, Chinese imports of Russian oil rose 20 per cent over the previous month to more than 1.3 million (13 lakh) barrels per day, according to the KSE Institute, an analytical centre at the Kyiv School of Economics. This past week, Trump said the US will impose a 25 per cent tariff on goods from India, plus an additional import tax because of India's purchasing of Russian oil. India's Foreign Ministry said on Friday its relationship with Russia was "steady and time-tested". Stephen Miller, White House deputy chief of staff and a top policy adviser, said Trump has been clear that it is "not acceptable" for India to continue financing the Ukraine war by purchasing oil from Russia. "People will be shocked to learn that India is basically tied with China in purchasing Russian oil," Miller said on Fox News Channel's "Sunday Morning Futures". He said the US needs "to get real about dealing with the financing of this war". (Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the Business Standard staff; the rest of the content is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)